NEW DELHI — International power rivalry is playing out in the Indian Ocean region, India’s Defense Minister Rajnath Singh said on Wednesday, adding that a strong naval presence in the key trade route was his country’s biggest priority. 

While Singh did not name any country, analysts say that China, which commands the world’s largest naval force with more than 370 ships, has been a security concern for India since ties nosedived in 2020 after 24 troops died in clashes along their Himalayan frontier. 

The UK and the U.S. also have a joint military base in the Indian Ocean island of Diego Garcia. 

Chinese and Indian troops have pulled back from two face-off points after a deal was struck in October following a series of talks, but India’s army chief told reporters this week that “a degree of standoff” still persists.  

“A large part of the world’s trade and commerce passes through the Indian Ocean region. Due to geo-strategic reasons, the region is also becoming a part of international power rivalry,” Defense Minister Singh said during the induction of one submarine and two navy ships in the city of Mumbai.  

He said 95% of India’s trade, in terms of volume, is linked to the Indian Ocean region. “In such a situation, the presence of a strong Indian Navy becomes our biggest priority,” he said.  

India has sought to counter China as Beijing grows its influence in India’s neighborhood through investments and development projects in Bangladesh, Myanmar, Sri Lanka and Pakistan.  

New Delhi plans to build a 175-ship strong naval force by 2035 with an increasing emphasis on using domestically made components, but analysts say the pace of construction is slow as compared to China, which builds almost 14 warships a year, while India constructs just four. 
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SEOUL, SOUTH KOREA — South Korean authorities detained impeached President Yoon Suk Yeol early Wednesday, the country’s anti-corruption agency announced, following a tense, five-hour standoff at his heavily guarded mountain compound in Seoul. 

According to local media broadcasts, Yoon’s motorcade arrived at the anti-corruption office, where he is set to undergo questioning in an insurrection investigation related to his short-lived martial law declaration last month. 

Authorities now have 48 hours to decide whether to file for a formal arrest warrant or release Yoon, whose detention marks the first time a sitting South Korean president has been taken into police custody. 

For weeks, Yoon has been holed up at his presidential residence, which had been fortified with barbed wire fencing and a multilayer barricade of tightly packed buses and other vehicles. 

 

Around 1,000 police officers were mobilized for Wednesday’s detention effort, local media reported. Authorities had also warned they were prepared to use more forceful tactics than they did in their failed attempt to detain Yoon two weeks ago.

The warnings had raised fears of violence, either between security forces or between police and protesters. For weeks, the large street outside Yoon’s compound has been filled with demonstrators — mostly supporters of the embattled conservative president, who has vowed to “fight to the end.”

Early Wednesday, about 30 ruling party lawmakers formed a human chain outside the main entrance of Yoon’s residence to prevent his detention, according to the Yonhap news agency. 

However, the Presidential Security Service, which during the last detention attempt formed a human barricade to protect Yoon, did not put up as much resistance this time, investigators said.

At a briefing, South Korea’s anti-corruption agency said there were “virtually no” clashes on Wednesday.

In a video recording that aired as he was leaving the compound, Yoon called the investigation illegal but said that he was complying to prevent bloodshed.

Yoon was impeached last month following his declaration of martial law. He had justified his decree by citing the need to eradicate “anti-state forces” and “protect the constitutional democratic order.”

The country’s Constitutional Court must uphold the impeachment for him to be removed from office.

Separately, Yoon faces a criminal investigation into insurrection and abuse of power. However, he has defied multiple requests to appear for questioning as part of that probe, leading authorities to seek a detention warrant.

Yoon’s lawyers have slammed the detention effort as politically motivated. They also argue that the court that issued the detention warrant had no jurisdiction to do so, and that the anti-corruption agency leading the investigation has no mandate to investigate the president for insurrection. 
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China says HMPV infections in the northern part of the country are declining. News of increased respiratory illnesses in China kindled international concerns about another potential pandemic. But, as VOA’s Dora Mekouar reports, medical experts say HMPV is nothing like COVID-19. VOA Mandarin contributed to this report.
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KUALA LUMPUR, MALAYSIA — Malaysia said on Tuesday it will encourage sustainability while maintaining the competitiveness of its palm oil industry ahead of the implementation of the European Union’s anti-deforestation law at the end of this year.

The EU last month approved a one-year delay to the landmark deforestation law, which bans the importation of palm oil, soy and other goods linked to the destruction of forests. The bill now takes effect from Dec. 30 this year.

The law requires companies and traders selling soy, beef, coffee, palm oil and other products in the EU to provide proof their supply chains do not contribute to deforestation.

Malaysia and Indonesia, the world’s largest exporters of palm oil, have previously complained that the law and implementation rules are discriminatory.

Malaysia’s Deputy Plantation and Commodities Minister Chan Foong Hin said it was crucial for the country’s palm oil industry to understand the impact of the EU law so that domestic practices could be adapted and market access maintained.

“By aligning our operations with these standards, we bolster our market position and enhance competitiveness,” Chan told an industry conference on Tuesday.

Chan said the success of Malaysia’s palm oil industry depended on the adoption of green initiatives, including advanced agriculture technologies, sustainable farming, and new production methods, to help protect the environment while creating new growth opportunities.

Speaking at the same conference, Malaysian Palm Oil Board director-general Ahmad Parveez Ghulam Kadir said authorities would work with the local industry.

“We are looking forward to a better outlook in 2025,” Ahmad Parveez said.

“The ministry and agencies will continuously collaborate closely to address environmental concerns while also promoting economic stability and social responsibility within the industry to foster a more sustainable and balanced future.”

He said Malaysian palm oil stocks are expected to fall to around 1.6 million metric tons this year, compared with 1.71 million tons in 2024.

Production in the world’s second-largest producer in 2025 should come in at 19.5 million tons, marginally higher than the 19.34 million tons in 2024.

Palm oil exports are expected to be 17.3 million tons in 2025, up from 16.9 million tons in 2024, Ahmad Parveez added.
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A new industry report released Monday shows China made big strides last year toward an EV-driven future, as domestic sales of all types of electric vehicles rose by 40% in 2024. Sales of gasoline powered cars tumbled, including foreign imports.

In 2024, a total of 31.4 million total vehicles were sold in the world’s largest automobile market by sales, according to the China Association of Automobile Manufacturers. That marked a 4.5% rise compared with the previous year.

Despite the uptick in sales, foreign automobile importers are increasingly finding it hard to compete with local brands in China who have been offering a wide variety of affordable EVs and intensified market competition.

One example is German luxury car maker Porsche, who closed several of its physical stores in China in 2024. Porsche sales in China were down 29% year on year which marked the third consecutive year of decline.

In addition to Porsche, luxury carmakers BMW, Mercedes, and Audi each saw a drop in their vehicle sales in China in 2024 with BMW sales falling 13.4%, Mercedes sales by 7%, and Audi sales by 11%. 

Tai Chih-yen, an associate researcher at the Chung-Hua Institution for Economic Research in Taipei told VOA’s Mandarin service that a sense of patriotism and support for national brands has created additional pressures that have contributed to the struggles international automakers are facing. 

“Higher-end consumers have started to abandon foreign brands and are turning to comparatively better priced high-end domestic cars,” Tai told VOA. “This is not a so-called consumption downgrade, but more a reflection of the current situation, where many are choosing to be more discreet [in the kinds of cars they drive] and show their patriotism by driving domestic luxury brands.”

The industry report also noted that sales of traditional gasoline and diesel-powered vehicles in China sank 17% in 2024, from 14 million to 11.6 million, a slide that coincides with Beijing’s focus on transitioning to electric vehicles.

At the same time, Chinese vehicle exports were up 19.3% in 2024, according to the report. However, export growth is expected to cool with the report estimating only a 5.8% increase in 2025.

China faced a backlash in 2024 as it moved to expand EV sales overseas, with the U.S., Canada and EU unveiling steep tariffs to stop a flood of cheap electric vehicles into their markets. The U.S., Canada and EU have raised concerns about subsidies that the Chinese government provides EV makers that allows them to sell their cars for lower prices.

They have also voiced concerned that China has too much production of EVs and that cars are being dumped into foreign markets, allegations that Beijing has repeatedly denied. 

China argues that its EV subsidies are similar to those of other countries and that sales of electric vehicles help with climate change. China has filed a complaint at the World Trade Organization over the EU’s tariff decision.

Michael Baturin and VOA Mandarin Service reporter Nai-chuan Lin contributed to this report. Some information came from Reuters. 
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BANGKOK — Thailand’s cabinet approved a controversial bill on Monday to legalize gambling in designated “entertainment complexes” to boost tourism and create jobs.

The proposed law would allow casinos to be set up within tourism complexes that would also include theme parks, water parks, hotels and shopping malls.

Gambling in Thailand is currently only legal on certain state-run horse races and an official lottery, but illicit betting is widespread.

“The objectives are to increase revenue, support investment in Thailand and solve illegal gambling,” Prime Minister Paetongtarn Shinawatra told reporters.

The bill will go to the Office of the Council of State for drafting before being debated and voted on by lawmakers in parliament — a process that will likely take months.

Since the end of the COVID-19 pandemic, which hammered Thailand’s crucial tourism industry, the kingdom has launched numerous strategies to lure more visitors, such as cutting visa requirements for Chinese and Indian travelers.

Deputy Finance Minister Julapun Amornvivat said the government hopes the entertainment complexes will ultimately boost tourist numbers by 5%-10% and create up to 15,000 new jobs.

The location for the proposed complexes, and the timetable for their construction, have not been announced. 

Conservative forces in Buddhist-majority Thailand have long resisted moves to legalize gambling, even as casino complexes have sprung up in neighboring Cambodia, Laos and Myanmar.

The U.N. Office on Drugs and Crime warned in a report last year that Southeast Asia’s casinos were “foundational pieces of the banking architecture used by organized crime” to launder massive volumes of money.
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Kyiv, Ukraine — Ukraine’s President Volodymyr Zelenskyy said Sunday Kyiv is ready to hand over North Korean soldiers to their leader Kim Jong Un if he can facilitate their exchange for Ukrainians held captive in Russia.

“In addition to the first captured soldiers from North Korea, there will undoubtedly be more. It’s only a matter of time before our troops manage to capture others,” Zelenskyy said on the social media platform X.

Zelenskyy said Saturday that Ukraine had captured two North Koreans in Russia’s Kursk region, the first time Ukraine has announced the capture of North Korean soldiers alive since their entry into the nearly three-year-old war last fall.

Ukrainian and Western assessments say that some 11,000 troops from Russia’s ally North Korea have been deployed in the Kursk region to support Moscow’s forces. Russia has neither confirmed nor denied their presence.

Zelenskyy has said Russian and North Korean forces had suffered heavy losses.

“Ukraine is ready to hand over Kim Jong Un’s soldiers to him if he can organize their exchange for our warriors who are being held captive in Russia,” Zelenskyy said.

He posted a short video showing the interrogation of two men who are presented as North Korean soldiers. One of them is lying on a bed with bandaged hands, the other is sitting with a bandage on his jaw.

One of the men said through an interpreter that he did not know he was fighting against Ukraine and had been told he was on a training exercise.

He said he hid in a shelter during the offensive and was found a couple of days later. He said that if he was ordered to return to North Korea, he would, but that he was ready to stay in Ukraine if given the chance.

Reuters could not verify the video.

“One of them (soldiers) expressed a desire to stay in Ukraine, the other to return to Korea,” Zelenskyy said in a televised statement.

Zelenskyy said that for North Korean soldiers who did not wish to return home, there may be other options available and “those who express a desire to bring peace closer by spreading the truth about this war in the Korean (language) will be given that opportunity.”

Zelenskyy provided no specific details. 
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HANOI, Vietnam — Six critically endangered Mekong giant catfish — one of the largest and rarest freshwater fish in the world — were caught and released recently in Cambodia, reviving hopes for the survival of the species. 

The underwater giants can grow up to 10 feet (3 meters) long and weigh up to 300 kilograms (661 pounds), or as heavy as a grand piano. They now are found only in Southeast Asia’s Mekong River but in the past inhabited the length of the 4,900-kilometer (3,044-mile) river, all the way from its outlet in Vietnam to its northern reaches in China’s Yunnan province. 

The species’ population has plummeted by 80% in recent decades because of rising pressures from overfishing, dams that block the migratory path the fish follow to spawn and other disruptions. 

Few of the millions of people who depend on the Mekong for their livelihoods have ever seen a giant catfish. To find six of the giants, which were caught and released within five days, is unprecedented. 

The first two were on the Tonle Sap river, a tributary of the Mekong not far from the Cambodian capital, Phnom Penh. They were given identification tags and released. On Tuesday, fishermen caught four more giant catfish including two longer than 2 meters (6.5 feet) that weighed 120 kilograms and 131 kilograms (264 pounds and 288 pounds), respectively. The captured fish were apparently migrating from their floodplain habitats near Cambodia’s Tonle Sap Lake northward along the Mekong River, likely to spawning grounds in northern Cambodia, Laos or Thailand. 

“It’s a hopeful sign that the species is not in imminent – like, in the next few years – risk of extinction, which gives conservation activities time to be implemented and to continue to bend the curve away from decline and toward recovery,” said Dr. Zeb Hogan, a University of Nevada-Reno research biologist who leads the U.S. Agency for International Development-funded Wonders of the Mekong project. 

Much is still unknown about the giant fish, but over the past two decades a joint conservation program by the Wonders of the Mekong and the Cambodian Fisheries Administration has caught, tagged and released around 100 of them, gaining insights into how the catfish migrate, where they live and the health of the species. 

“This information is used to establish migration corridors and protect habitats to try to help these fish survive in the future,” said Hogan. 

The Mekong giant catfish is woven into the region’s cultural fabric, depicted in 3,000-year-old cave paintings, revered in folklore and considered a symbol of the river, whose fisheries feed millions and are valued at $10 billion annually. 

Local communities play a crucial role in conservation. Fishermen now know about the importance of reporting accidental catches of rare and endangered species to officials, enabling researchers to reach places where fish have been captured and measure and tag them before releasing them. 

“Their cooperation is essential for our research and conservation efforts,” Heng Kong, director of Cambodia’s Inland Fisheries Research and Development Institute, said in a statement. 

Apart from the Mekong giant catfish, the river is also home to other large fish, including the salmon carp, which was thought to be extinct until it was spotted earlier this year, and the giant sting ray. 

That four of these fish were caught and tagged in a single day is likely the “big fish story of the century for the Mekong,” said Brian Eyler, director of the Washington-based Stimson Center’s Southeast Asia Program. He said that seeing them confirms that the annual fish migration was still robust despite all the pressures facing the environment along the Mekong. 

“Hopefully, what happened this week will show the Mekong countries and the world that the Mekong’s mighty fish population is uniquely special and needs to be conserved,” he said. 
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BANGKOK — A group of Uyghur men who were detained in Thailand over a decade ago say that the Thai government is preparing to deport them to China, alarming activists and family members who say the men are at risk of abuse and torture if they are sent back.

In a letter obtained by The Associated Press, 43 Uyghur men held in Bangkok made a public appeal to halt what they called an imminent threat of deportation.

“We could be imprisoned, and we might even lose our lives,” the letter said. “We urgently appeal to all international organizations and countries concerned with human rights to intervene immediately to save us from this tragic fate before it is too late.”

The Uyghurs are a Turkic, majority-Muslim ethnicity native to China’s far west Xinjiang region. After decades of conflict with Beijing over discrimination and suppression of their cultural identity, the Chinese government launched a brutal crackdown on the Uyghurs that some Western governments deem a genocide. Hundreds of thousands of Uyghurs, possibly a million or more, were swept into camps and prisons, with former detainees reporting abuse, disease and, in some cases, death.

Over 300 Uyghurs fleeing China were detained in 2014 by Thai authorities near the Malaysian border. In 2015, Thailand deported 109 detainees to China against their will, prompting international outcry. Another group of 173 Uyghurs, mostly women and children, were sent to Turkey, leaving 53 Uyghurs stuck in Thai immigration detention and seeking asylum. Since then, five have died in detention, including two children.

Of the 48 still detained by Thai authorities, five are serving prison terms after a failed escape attempt. It is unclear whether they face the same fate as those in immigration detention.

Advocates and relatives describe harsh conditions in immigration detention. They say the men are fed poorly, kept in overcrowded concrete cells with few toilets, denied sanitary goods such as toothbrushes or razors, and are forbidden contact with relatives, lawyers and international organizations. The Thai government’s treatment of the detainees may constitute a violation of international law, according to a February 2024 letter sent to the Thai government by United Nations human rights experts.

The immigration police said they have been trying to take care of the detainees as best as they could.

Recordings and chat records obtained exclusively by the AP show that on Jan. 8, the Uyghur detainees were asked to sign voluntary deportation papers by Thai immigration officials.

The move panicked detainees, as similar documents were presented to the Uyghurs deported to China in 2015. The detainees refused to sign.

Three people, including a Thai lawmaker and two others in touch with Thai authorities, told the AP there have been recent discussions within the government about deporting the Uyghurs to China, although the people had not yet seen or heard of any formal directive to do so.

Two of the people said that Thai officials pushing for the deportations are choosing to do so now because this year is the 50th anniversary of diplomatic relations between Thailand and China, and because of the perception that backlash from Washington will be muted as the United States prepares for a presidential transition in less than two weeks.

The people spoke on the condition of anonymity in order to describe sensitive internal discussions. The Thai and Chinese foreign ministries did not immediately respond to requests for comment.

Beijing says the Uyghurs are jihadis but has not presented evidence. Uyghur activists and rights groups say the men are innocent and expressed alarm over their possible deportation, saying they face persecution, imprisonment and possible death in China.

“There’s no evidence that the 43 Uyghurs have committed any crime,” said Peter Irwin, Associate Director for Research and Advocacy at the Uyghur Human Rights Project. “The group has a clear right not to be deported, and they’re acting within international law by fleeing China.”

On Saturday morning, the detention center where the Uyghurs are being held was quiet. A guard told a visiting AP journalist the center was closed until Monday.

Two people with direct knowledge of the matter told the AP that all the Uyghurs detained in Thailand submitted asylum applications to the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, which the AP verified by reviewing copies of the letters. The U.N. agency acknowledged receipt of the applications but has been barred from visiting the Uyghurs by the Thai government to this day, the people said.

The UNHCR did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

Relatives of three of the Uyghurs detained told the AP that they were worried about the safety of their loved ones.

“We are all in the same situation — constant worry and fear,” said Bilal Ablet, whose elder brother is detained in Thailand. “World governments all know about this, but I think they’re pretending not to see or hear anything because they’re afraid of Chinese pressure.”

Ablet added that Thai officials told his brother no other government was willing to accept the Uyghurs, although an April 2023 letter authored by the chair of the National Human Rights Commission of Thailand first leaked to The New York Times Magazine and independently seen by the AP said there are “countries that are ready to take these detainees to settle down.”

Abdullah Muhammad, a Uyghur living in Turkey, said his father, Muhammad Ahun, is one of the men detained in Thailand. Muhammad says although his father crossed into Thailand illegally, he was innocent of any other crime and had already paid fines and spent over a decade in detention.

“I don’t understand what this is for. Why?” Muhammad said. “We have nothing to do with terrorism, and we have not committed any terrorism.”
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WASHINGTON — Analysts say that rising anti-China sentiment in Myanmar reflects widespread frustration with Beijing’s perceived support for the country’s military junta in the conflict-torn Southeast Asian nation.

Since the Myanmar military seized power in February 2021, critics have accused Beijing of backing the junta to safeguard its Belt and Road Initiative projects and maintain regional stability.

Public distrust of China also stems from its long-standing ties with Myanmar’s military, according to analysts and activists.

“There’s a widespread perception that China is stalling progress in the anti-coup revolution,” said Lin Htet, a Myanmar activist who fled the country after the coup because of his outspoken opposition to the regime.

According to a survey by the Institute for Strategy and Policy-Myanmar, or ISP-Myanmar, released in mid-2024, 54% of key stakeholders in Myanmar held a negative view of China as a neighbor. That figure rose to 72% among civil society organizations, with respondents describing China as either “not good at all” or “not a good neighbor.” Similarly, 60% of ethnic armed organizations and 54% of the People’s Defense Forces, the armed wing of the National Unity Government, or local defense forces — formed after the 2021 coup to oppose the military regime — reported the same sentiment.

“Many believed China supported the military takeover at the time,” said Nan Lwin, head of the Myanmar China studies program at ISP-Myanmar, an independent think tank. “While those sentiments initially subsided by mid-2021, they resurfaced later as Beijing began high-level engagements with the regime.”

Htet Min Lwin, a Myanmar expert at York University in Toronto, Ontario, highlighted the growing anti-China sentiment in Myanmar since Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi’s visit to Naypyitaw in August, where he met with junta leader Min Aung Hlaing.

“Historically, Myanmar’s political stakeholders have rarely been united,” Htet Min Lwin said. “Yet, during Wang Yi’s visit, all revolutionary forces opposed to the military regime expressed unanimous anti-China sentiment. From political leaders to analysts, many view China’s actions as interference.”

Protests, public sentiment

In recent months, anti-military activists have staged protests and boycotts of products to draw attention to Beijing’s perceived interference in Myanmar.

In November, there was a call to boycott products “Made in China.” 

Lin Htet recently organized a demonstration outside the Chinese Embassy in Washington. He said the protest was to call on China to stop meddling in Myanmar’s affairs and to change its policies while emphasizing a desire to remain good neighbors.

“This is not about racial hatred,” Lin Htet told VOA.

During the protest, he recalled two Burmese-born ethnic Chinese individuals, Kyal Sin and Khant Nyar Hein, who were killed during the early days of the anti-coup demonstrations in 2021.

“Our Chinese brothers and sisters gave their lives on the streets for democracy. We have not forgotten them to this day,” he said, citing Kyal Sin’s burial in a Chinese cemetery and quoting Khant Nyar Hein’s mother’s plea to “please don’t hate Chinese in Myanmar.”

Chinese Embassy responds

In a written reply to VOA, the Chinese Embassy in Myanmar said, “The current situation in Myanmar is of great concern,” and it urged all relevant parties “to adhere to dialogue and consultation, and to cease fire as soon as possible.”

“China is Myanmar’s largest neighbor. No other country wants Myanmar to restore stability and realize development more than China,” the embassy said. “On the Myanmar issue, China is committed to respecting Myanmar’s sovereignty, independence, national unity and territorial integrity, non-interference in its internal affairs, and the Myanmar-owned and Myanmar-led peace process.”

“It is hoped that all relevant parties in Myanmar will effectively safeguard the safety of Chinese enterprises, projects and personnel in Myanmar, create a secure environment for mutually beneficial cooperation between the two countries, and better benefit the people of both countries,” the statement said.

Call for diplomacy

According to ACLED data research, which specializes in conflict analysis, resentment among Myanmar’s local population is expected to grow in 2025 amid China’s increasing public support for the military. However, experts warn that alienating China could backfire.

“We can’t do anti-China sentiment. We can’t just demonize China. It is no longer the 15th century,” said Sai Kyi Zin Soe, a Myanmar analyst. “We’re neighbors, so we must maintain some diplomacy. We have to understand China’s concerns and their political stance.”

Htet Min Lwin also emphasized the need to engage with Beijing constructively.

“China’s influence can slow the Myanmar resistance’s revolutionary war [against the junta],” he said. “Rather than simply criticizing China, the opposition should engage its policymakers and clarify Myanmar’s situation. Lobbying is vital. If the advocacy approach is effective, the revolutionary forces can maintain their momentum.”

Michael Martin, a senior adviser at the Washington-based Center for Strategic and International Studies, said the National Unity Government (NUG), Myanmar’s opposition, lacks a coherent strategy to engage China.

“They don’t have an idea how to work with China,” Martin said. “They talk about, you know, ‘Why won’t you recognize us as a state actor?’ That’s not going to go very far with China. China recognizes the SAC [the military’s State Administration Council] as the state actor. They can’t have two.”

A path forward

As Myanmar’s conflict grinds on, analysts stress the importance of balancing public dissatisfaction with pragmatic engagement.

“China’s strategy is to hedge its relations with multiple stakeholders in the country, whether it’s the SAC or the NUG,” Enze Han, an associate professor at the University of Hong Kong, said in an email to VOA.

For those seeking democracy, the challenge lies in finding a strategic approach that acknowledges China’s regional interests while advancing Myanmar’s aspirations for democracy and equality.

“We have absolutely no need to hate China or Chinese people,” Lin Htet said. “But if the Chinese government continues interfering in Myanmar’s affairs as it does now, it could face even more resistance, further alienating itself from the Burmese people.” 
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SEOUL, SOUTH KOREA — In late 2021, the wife of then-presidential candidate Yoon Suk Yeol appeared exasperated by several journalists she insisted were treating her husband unfairly. In a leaked phone call with a left-leaning reporter, Kim Keon-hee vowed to have “all of them” jailed if her husband won the presidency. 

The comment drew little attention, overshadowed by the scandals and mudslinging typical of South Korea’s elections. In hindsight, analysts say it hinted at how Yoon, now impeached and under investigation over his short-lived declaration of martial law, would later approach his critics as president. 

After taking office in May 2022, Yoon pursued criminal defamation charges against journalists at an unprecedented pace, according to a VOA investigation. As his political fortunes declined, Yoon adopted increasingly adversarial rhetoric, often framing his opponents as existential threats in a zero-sum battle against “communists” and “anti-state forces.” 

In declaring martial law early last month, Yoon used similar language, citing the need to “eradicate pro-North Korean forces.” He later defended the move as a temporary measure to warn his opposition rivals, whom he accused of obstructing governance. Critics, however, viewed the declaration as an authoritarian overreach. 

The martial law decree, South Korea’s first since it emerged from military rule in the 1980s, put the Biden administration in an awkward position, having touted Yoon’s South Korea as a democratic model. 

In 2024, Yoon hosted the U.S.-led Summit for Democracy, an event aimed at countering global authoritarianism. Weeks later, he made headlines by singing “American Pie” at a White House state dinner alongside President Joe Biden — a moment highlighting the administration’s embrace of Yoon as a key ally. 

Part of that support stemmed from Yoon’s efforts to reconcile with Japan, which reinvigorated trilateral cooperation with the United States. The partnership became so central to Biden’s Asia policy that Washington seemed unwilling to confront mounting concerns about Yoon’s leadership, according to some analysts. 

“The senior Biden team was so over-invested in Yoon as the key to its signature trilateral initiative with Tokyo and Seoul that it seemingly ignored all the many warning signs over the last year-plus of Yoon’s authoritarian bent,” said Rob Rapson, a recently retired U.S. diplomat who held several senior positions in South Korea, including acting ambassador.  

During a visit to Seoul this week, U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken sidestepped questions about Yoon, instead praising South Korea’s democratic resilience. Blinken acknowledged “serious concerns” about Yoon’s actions, saying they were conveyed directly to Seoul. 

Alliance frictions 

After Yoon’s martial law decree, the United States temporarily paused key diplomatic and security talks with South Korea. Even though those engagements resumed by late December, some analysts say it may be premature to declare business as usual. 

One sensitive issue is the U.S. claim that it was not notified in advance about the martial law declaration — a move that could have impacted the approximately 28,000 U.S. troops in Korea and heightened risks for both countries. 

If no requirement exists for such notification, that may need to change, said Sheena Chestnut Greitens, an East Asia expert at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace.  

“The U.S. has reasonable grounds to say that having that information in advance is necessary for effective deterrence and defense on the Korean Peninsula,” she said. 

Chestnut Greitens also warned that Yoon’s unilateral actions could weaken South Korea’s position with the incoming Trump administration, whose first-term policies raised fears of abandonment in Seoul. 

Donald Trump frequently questioned the value of the U.S.-South Korea alliance, once asking why the U.S. needs “all those troops” in South Korea. His direct talks with North Korean leader Kim Jong Un further alarmed some South Korean officials, who feared being sidelined in any Trump-Kim deal. 

“The incoming Trump team… could now cite this lack of consultation as precedent if it chooses to justify either a unilateral deal with Pyongyang or a reduction in U.S. commitment,” said Chestnut Greitens. 

Trump silent 

Trump, whose America First policy often prioritized perceived interests over the promotion of human rights, has not commented on Yoon’s martial law declaration.  

His approach toward South Korea is unlikely to change, suggested Alex Gray, a senior fellow at the American Foreign Policy Council and former chief of staff at the National Security Council under Trump. 

“I think [President Trump] will prioritize his conception of core American security and economic interests as he did in term one,” said Gray. 

It is unclear how Trump will respond to Yoon’s conservative supporters, some of whom have appealed to him by waving “Stop the Steal” protest signs reminiscent of Trump’s post-2020 election fraud claims. 

If Trump were to back Yoon or endorse baseless South Korean election fraud allegations, it could “seriously damage the image of the U.S. among a majority of the Korean population,” said Ben Engel, who teaches at Dankook University outside Seoul. 

“The idea that the ROK [Republic of Korea]-U.S. alliance was undergirded by the shared values of democracy and human rights would be significantly undermined and possibly lead to the alliance becoming a partisan issue in South Korea, where the alliance has had broad support since the early 2000s,” said Engel. 

Still, Trump may see little reason to support Yoon, who faces possible removal from office and insurrection charges.  

“Why hitch yourself to a sinking ship?” Engel asked.  

South Korea’s reaction 

There has been little backlash to the U.S. response, even from liberal South Koreans who have at times been more critical of Washington. 

Moon Chung-in, a foreign policy adviser to several left-leaning Korean administrations, noted that Biden officials have quietly opposed Yoon’s martial law declaration. 

“If Washington maintains its current approach, it can demonstrate that for the U.S., democracy matters,” Moon told VOA, though he acknowledged the United States had a “bad track record” of backing authoritarian regimes before South Korea’s democratization. 

While Trump is unlikely to prioritize human rights in South Korea, Moon said he believes the incoming president would not overrule figures in his administration, such as Secretary of State nominee Marco Rubio, who take a more values-driven approach to international relations. 

Regardless, some experts argue that such U.S. messaging no longer resonates in South Korea. 

Lee Sang-sin, a research fellow at the Korea Institute for National Unification, suggested this may reflect declining perceptions of U.S. democracy.  

“It may be that people have moved past the old anxiety that South Korea’s democracy cannot survive without U.S. support,” he said. 

“The lingering shock of domestic turmoil,” Lee added, “has also left people too preoccupied to focus on U.S. messaging.” 

 
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WASHINGTON — In Myanmar, a relatively new ethnic armed group known as the Arakan Army has recently taken control of 15 out of 17 townships in the war-torn country’s western Rakhine state. This includes the Myanmar military’s western regional command headquarters located in Ann Township, in central Rakhine state. This marks the second major regional command center to fall since the beginning of a surge in resistance victories by allied ethnic armed groups – the “Three Brotherhood Alliance” – known  as Operation 1027 in late 2023.

The significant territorial gains by the AA are reshaping power dynamics in Myanmar’s civil war, observers say. The ethnic army’s growing control over Rakhine state is also drawing attention to the plight of the country’s Muslim ethnic Rohingya minority.

In a recent phone interview with VOA’s Burmese service, AA spokesperson Khaing Thu Kha said the group continued to hold its ground.

“As of December 29, 2024, our AA has completely occupied all the military bases of the fascist military council in Gwa Township. We are pursuing and attacking retreating forces,” Khaing Thu Kha said.

In response, Myanmar’s military has launched heavy artillery strikes from air and sea but was unsuccessful in its attempts to retake Gwa, the spokesperson added. The junta did not respond to VOA on the issue.

The Arakan Army’s gains continued this week, as it seized a key oil and gas pipeline station and closed in on a major weapons factory of the Myanmar military.

The fall of Gwa follows the army’s seizing of Ann township earlier in December, when it captured the military’s western regional command headquarters after intense fighting, marking another major loss for Myanmar’s military.

In July, the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army, another ethnic armed group, popularly known as the Kokang army — seized the military’s regional command headquarters in Lashio, in the northern part of Shan state.

“In the history of Myanmar’s military, losing two regional commands in such a short period is unprecedented,” former Myanmar army Major Naung Yoe told VOA. “These regional commands oversee vast operational areas and are critical to military control.”

Naung Yoe, who is now part of the anti-junta civil disobedience movement group People’s Goal, is based along the Thai-Myanmar border. He attributes the Arakan Army’s success to strategy and strong local support.

“The courage of the AA soldiers, their disciplined command structure, and the overwhelming support of the Rakhine people have played key roles in their victories,” he said.

The military has not responded in the media on recent fighting in Rakhine state.

Strategic battleground

Rakhine state, with its abundant natural resources and access to the Bay of Bengal, is strategically significant. It is home to major China-backed infrastructure projects and holds geopolitical importance as a gateway to Southeast Asia.

The state is predominantly inhabited by Rakhine Buddhists, with Rohingya Muslims making up the second-largest population. The Rohingya have faced systemic persecution, culminating in the 2017 military crackdown that forced over 700,000 to flee to Bangladesh. Myanmar’s military is now facing international legal proceedings on charges of genocide and other war crimes.

This latest round of fighting between the military and the Arakan Army, which began in late 2023 following Operation1027 has been fierce. Dozens of Rohingya civilians were killed during junta attacks, some with heavy artillery fired at AA troops based in Rohingya villages, according to local human rights organizations.

The Arakan Army, formed in 2009 by Rakhine youth leaders, is part of the Three Brotherhood Alliance that is fighting the junta alongside the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army and the Ta’Ang National Liberation Army.

With an estimated 45,000 troops, the AA says it seeks autonomy for Rakhine state, aiming to “restore the sovereignty of the Arakan people.”

However, U.N. High Commissioner for Human Rights Volker Türk has condemned abuses by both the military and the AA, citing forced recruitment, extrajudicial killings and indiscriminate attacks that violate international law. AA offensives have reportedly displaced tens of thousands of civilians, including many Rohingya.

On Aug. 5, dozens of Rohingya were killed near the Naf River, which divides Myanmar from Bangladesh, underscoring their plight as they remain trapped between escalating violence and closed borders with little safe refuge.

Rohingya calls for justice

In late December, 28 Rohingya organizations issued a joint statement calling on the AA, which now controls Maungdaw and Buthidaung townships in northern Rakhine, to “uphold and respect the rights of Rohingya and other ethnic and religious minorities” in the region bordering Bangladesh.

Cox’s Bazar in southeastern Bangladesh hosts over 1.2 million Rohingya refugees, most of whom fled Myanmar following the military crackdown in August 2017.

Meanwhile, approximately 500,000 Rohingya remain in Myanmar, living in areas now under AA control, including territories along the Bangladesh border.

“The AA has reached a position where it can control up to 14 cities,” Tun Khin, president of the Burmese Rohingya Organization U.K., or BROUK, told VOA Burmese by phone. BROUK is among the 28 organizations behind the joint statement.

“However, human rights violations against the Rohingya continue, especially in places like Buthidaung and Maungdaw,” Tun Khin said. “As a result, the Rohingya have not been able to return to their homes. It is critical to stop the daily abuses inflicted on the Rohingya by AA forces.”

After the AA captured Buthidaung and Maungdaw, nearly 60,000 Rohingya fled to Bangladesh, Tun Khin said.

“AA, much like the Burmese military, is driving the Rohingya from their homes, perpetuating a cycle of displacement,” he said.

The Rohingya and other Rakhine minorities must find a way to live peacefully together, he said.

“The Rohingya have supported the Burmese revolution and stood alongside revolutionary forces like the AA,” Tun Khin said, “yet, they have been forcibly driven from their homes during clashes between the AA and the Burmese army. This is unacceptable. The AA is committing similar crimes to those perpetrated by the Burmese military.”

A path toward dialogue?

For its part, the Arakan Army reiterated its commitment to dialogue late last month.

“We remain steadfast in our belief that current internal issues can and should be resolved through political means rather than military solutions,” the group said in a statement.

In his New Year’s speech, however, Myanmar’s military leader, Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, accused ethnic armed groups of pursuing selfish interests and inciting conflict while claiming to support democracy.

He also reiterated the junta’s commitment to holding elections, citing the completion of a national census and other administrative milestones, and pledged that elections would take place this year.

During the 50th anniversary of Rakhine State Day on Dec. 15, Min Aung Hlaing called on ethnic armed groups, including the Arakan Army, to “abandon the armed path and choose the right course.”

Myanmar’s military rulers have not directly responded to the AA’s offer for dialogue, according to Naung Yoe, the former Myanmar army major.

“The prospects for a resolution remain bleak. I still don’t see a dialogue emerging that could resolve the differences between the two sides,” he told VOA.

Junta leader Min Aung Hlaing recently reiterated his support for the 2008 constitution, framing it as essential for Myanmar’s future. That constitution allowed the formation of a partially civilian government but guaranteed the military’s continued role in politics. The military overthrew the elected government in a coup in 2021.

Ethnic leaders, however, reject any political framework that involves the military.

“With the junta clinging to the 2008 constitution and ethnic leaders envisioning a political future without military involvement, the chances of reconciliation are slim,” Naung Yoe said.

He also pointed to the Arakan Army’s intention to control all of Rakhine state as a potential stumbling block as well.

“If political reconciliation remains unattainable, the conflict will likely escalate further in early 2025,” he said. 
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