BANGKOK — A group of Uyghur men who were detained in Thailand over a decade ago say that the Thai government is preparing to deport them to China, alarming activists and family members who say the men are at risk of abuse and torture if they are sent back.

In a letter obtained by The Associated Press, 43 Uyghur men held in Bangkok made a public appeal to halt what they called an imminent threat of deportation.

“We could be imprisoned, and we might even lose our lives,” the letter said. “We urgently appeal to all international organizations and countries concerned with human rights to intervene immediately to save us from this tragic fate before it is too late.”

The Uyghurs are a Turkic, majority-Muslim ethnicity native to China’s far west Xinjiang region. After decades of conflict with Beijing over discrimination and suppression of their cultural identity, the Chinese government launched a brutal crackdown on the Uyghurs that some Western governments deem a genocide. Hundreds of thousands of Uyghurs, possibly a million or more, were swept into camps and prisons, with former detainees reporting abuse, disease and, in some cases, death.

Over 300 Uyghurs fleeing China were detained in 2014 by Thai authorities near the Malaysian border. In 2015, Thailand deported 109 detainees to China against their will, prompting international outcry. Another group of 173 Uyghurs, mostly women and children, were sent to Turkey, leaving 53 Uyghurs stuck in Thai immigration detention and seeking asylum. Since then, five have died in detention, including two children.

Of the 48 still detained by Thai authorities, five are serving prison terms after a failed escape attempt. It is unclear whether they face the same fate as those in immigration detention.

Advocates and relatives describe harsh conditions in immigration detention. They say the men are fed poorly, kept in overcrowded concrete cells with few toilets, denied sanitary goods such as toothbrushes or razors, and are forbidden contact with relatives, lawyers and international organizations. The Thai government’s treatment of the detainees may constitute a violation of international law, according to a February 2024 letter sent to the Thai government by United Nations human rights experts.

The immigration police said they have been trying to take care of the detainees as best as they could.

Recordings and chat records obtained exclusively by the AP show that on Jan. 8, the Uyghur detainees were asked to sign voluntary deportation papers by Thai immigration officials.

The move panicked detainees, as similar documents were presented to the Uyghurs deported to China in 2015. The detainees refused to sign.

Three people, including a Thai lawmaker and two others in touch with Thai authorities, told the AP there have been recent discussions within the government about deporting the Uyghurs to China, although the people had not yet seen or heard of any formal directive to do so.

Two of the people said that Thai officials pushing for the deportations are choosing to do so now because this year is the 50th anniversary of diplomatic relations between Thailand and China, and because of the perception that backlash from Washington will be muted as the United States prepares for a presidential transition in less than two weeks.

The people spoke on the condition of anonymity in order to describe sensitive internal discussions. The Thai and Chinese foreign ministries did not immediately respond to requests for comment.

Beijing says the Uyghurs are jihadis but has not presented evidence. Uyghur activists and rights groups say the men are innocent and expressed alarm over their possible deportation, saying they face persecution, imprisonment and possible death in China.

“There’s no evidence that the 43 Uyghurs have committed any crime,” said Peter Irwin, Associate Director for Research and Advocacy at the Uyghur Human Rights Project. “The group has a clear right not to be deported, and they’re acting within international law by fleeing China.”

On Saturday morning, the detention center where the Uyghurs are being held was quiet. A guard told a visiting AP journalist the center was closed until Monday.

Two people with direct knowledge of the matter told the AP that all the Uyghurs detained in Thailand submitted asylum applications to the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, which the AP verified by reviewing copies of the letters. The U.N. agency acknowledged receipt of the applications but has been barred from visiting the Uyghurs by the Thai government to this day, the people said.

The UNHCR did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

Relatives of three of the Uyghurs detained told the AP that they were worried about the safety of their loved ones.

“We are all in the same situation — constant worry and fear,” said Bilal Ablet, whose elder brother is detained in Thailand. “World governments all know about this, but I think they’re pretending not to see or hear anything because they’re afraid of Chinese pressure.”

Ablet added that Thai officials told his brother no other government was willing to accept the Uyghurs, although an April 2023 letter authored by the chair of the National Human Rights Commission of Thailand first leaked to The New York Times Magazine and independently seen by the AP said there are “countries that are ready to take these detainees to settle down.”

Abdullah Muhammad, a Uyghur living in Turkey, said his father, Muhammad Ahun, is one of the men detained in Thailand. Muhammad says although his father crossed into Thailand illegally, he was innocent of any other crime and had already paid fines and spent over a decade in detention.

“I don’t understand what this is for. Why?” Muhammad said. “We have nothing to do with terrorism, and we have not committed any terrorism.”
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WASHINGTON — Analysts say that rising anti-China sentiment in Myanmar reflects widespread frustration with Beijing’s perceived support for the country’s military junta in the conflict-torn Southeast Asian nation.

Since the Myanmar military seized power in February 2021, critics have accused Beijing of backing the junta to safeguard its Belt and Road Initiative projects and maintain regional stability.

Public distrust of China also stems from its long-standing ties with Myanmar’s military, according to analysts and activists.

“There’s a widespread perception that China is stalling progress in the anti-coup revolution,” said Lin Htet, a Myanmar activist who fled the country after the coup because of his outspoken opposition to the regime.

According to a survey by the Institute for Strategy and Policy-Myanmar, or ISP-Myanmar, released in mid-2024, 54% of key stakeholders in Myanmar held a negative view of China as a neighbor. That figure rose to 72% among civil society organizations, with respondents describing China as either “not good at all” or “not a good neighbor.” Similarly, 60% of ethnic armed organizations and 54% of the People’s Defense Forces, the armed wing of the National Unity Government, or local defense forces — formed after the 2021 coup to oppose the military regime — reported the same sentiment.

“Many believed China supported the military takeover at the time,” said Nan Lwin, head of the Myanmar China studies program at ISP-Myanmar, an independent think tank. “While those sentiments initially subsided by mid-2021, they resurfaced later as Beijing began high-level engagements with the regime.”

Htet Min Lwin, a Myanmar expert at York University in Toronto, Ontario, highlighted the growing anti-China sentiment in Myanmar since Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi’s visit to Naypyitaw in August, where he met with junta leader Min Aung Hlaing.

“Historically, Myanmar’s political stakeholders have rarely been united,” Htet Min Lwin said. “Yet, during Wang Yi’s visit, all revolutionary forces opposed to the military regime expressed unanimous anti-China sentiment. From political leaders to analysts, many view China’s actions as interference.”

Protests, public sentiment

In recent months, anti-military activists have staged protests and boycotts of products to draw attention to Beijing’s perceived interference in Myanmar.

In November, there was a call to boycott products “Made in China.” 

Lin Htet recently organized a demonstration outside the Chinese Embassy in Washington. He said the protest was to call on China to stop meddling in Myanmar’s affairs and to change its policies while emphasizing a desire to remain good neighbors.

“This is not about racial hatred,” Lin Htet told VOA.

During the protest, he recalled two Burmese-born ethnic Chinese individuals, Kyal Sin and Khant Nyar Hein, who were killed during the early days of the anti-coup demonstrations in 2021.

“Our Chinese brothers and sisters gave their lives on the streets for democracy. We have not forgotten them to this day,” he said, citing Kyal Sin’s burial in a Chinese cemetery and quoting Khant Nyar Hein’s mother’s plea to “please don’t hate Chinese in Myanmar.”

Chinese Embassy responds

In a written reply to VOA, the Chinese Embassy in Myanmar said, “The current situation in Myanmar is of great concern,” and it urged all relevant parties “to adhere to dialogue and consultation, and to cease fire as soon as possible.”

“China is Myanmar’s largest neighbor. No other country wants Myanmar to restore stability and realize development more than China,” the embassy said. “On the Myanmar issue, China is committed to respecting Myanmar’s sovereignty, independence, national unity and territorial integrity, non-interference in its internal affairs, and the Myanmar-owned and Myanmar-led peace process.”

“It is hoped that all relevant parties in Myanmar will effectively safeguard the safety of Chinese enterprises, projects and personnel in Myanmar, create a secure environment for mutually beneficial cooperation between the two countries, and better benefit the people of both countries,” the statement said.

Call for diplomacy

According to ACLED data research, which specializes in conflict analysis, resentment among Myanmar’s local population is expected to grow in 2025 amid China’s increasing public support for the military. However, experts warn that alienating China could backfire.

“We can’t do anti-China sentiment. We can’t just demonize China. It is no longer the 15th century,” said Sai Kyi Zin Soe, a Myanmar analyst. “We’re neighbors, so we must maintain some diplomacy. We have to understand China’s concerns and their political stance.”

Htet Min Lwin also emphasized the need to engage with Beijing constructively.

“China’s influence can slow the Myanmar resistance’s revolutionary war [against the junta],” he said. “Rather than simply criticizing China, the opposition should engage its policymakers and clarify Myanmar’s situation. Lobbying is vital. If the advocacy approach is effective, the revolutionary forces can maintain their momentum.”

Michael Martin, a senior adviser at the Washington-based Center for Strategic and International Studies, said the National Unity Government (NUG), Myanmar’s opposition, lacks a coherent strategy to engage China.

“They don’t have an idea how to work with China,” Martin said. “They talk about, you know, ‘Why won’t you recognize us as a state actor?’ That’s not going to go very far with China. China recognizes the SAC [the military’s State Administration Council] as the state actor. They can’t have two.”

A path forward

As Myanmar’s conflict grinds on, analysts stress the importance of balancing public dissatisfaction with pragmatic engagement.

“China’s strategy is to hedge its relations with multiple stakeholders in the country, whether it’s the SAC or the NUG,” Enze Han, an associate professor at the University of Hong Kong, said in an email to VOA.

For those seeking democracy, the challenge lies in finding a strategic approach that acknowledges China’s regional interests while advancing Myanmar’s aspirations for democracy and equality.

“We have absolutely no need to hate China or Chinese people,” Lin Htet said. “But if the Chinese government continues interfering in Myanmar’s affairs as it does now, it could face even more resistance, further alienating itself from the Burmese people.” 
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SEOUL, SOUTH KOREA — In late 2021, the wife of then-presidential candidate Yoon Suk Yeol appeared exasperated by several journalists she insisted were treating her husband unfairly. In a leaked phone call with a left-leaning reporter, Kim Keon-hee vowed to have “all of them” jailed if her husband won the presidency. 

The comment drew little attention, overshadowed by the scandals and mudslinging typical of South Korea’s elections. In hindsight, analysts say it hinted at how Yoon, now impeached and under investigation over his short-lived declaration of martial law, would later approach his critics as president. 

After taking office in May 2022, Yoon pursued criminal defamation charges against journalists at an unprecedented pace, according to a VOA investigation. As his political fortunes declined, Yoon adopted increasingly adversarial rhetoric, often framing his opponents as existential threats in a zero-sum battle against “communists” and “anti-state forces.” 

In declaring martial law early last month, Yoon used similar language, citing the need to “eradicate pro-North Korean forces.” He later defended the move as a temporary measure to warn his opposition rivals, whom he accused of obstructing governance. Critics, however, viewed the declaration as an authoritarian overreach. 

The martial law decree, South Korea’s first since it emerged from military rule in the 1980s, put the Biden administration in an awkward position, having touted Yoon’s South Korea as a democratic model. 

In 2024, Yoon hosted the U.S.-led Summit for Democracy, an event aimed at countering global authoritarianism. Weeks later, he made headlines by singing “American Pie” at a White House state dinner alongside President Joe Biden — a moment highlighting the administration’s embrace of Yoon as a key ally. 

Part of that support stemmed from Yoon’s efforts to reconcile with Japan, which reinvigorated trilateral cooperation with the United States. The partnership became so central to Biden’s Asia policy that Washington seemed unwilling to confront mounting concerns about Yoon’s leadership, according to some analysts. 

“The senior Biden team was so over-invested in Yoon as the key to its signature trilateral initiative with Tokyo and Seoul that it seemingly ignored all the many warning signs over the last year-plus of Yoon’s authoritarian bent,” said Rob Rapson, a recently retired U.S. diplomat who held several senior positions in South Korea, including acting ambassador.  

During a visit to Seoul this week, U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken sidestepped questions about Yoon, instead praising South Korea’s democratic resilience. Blinken acknowledged “serious concerns” about Yoon’s actions, saying they were conveyed directly to Seoul. 

Alliance frictions 

After Yoon’s martial law decree, the United States temporarily paused key diplomatic and security talks with South Korea. Even though those engagements resumed by late December, some analysts say it may be premature to declare business as usual. 

One sensitive issue is the U.S. claim that it was not notified in advance about the martial law declaration — a move that could have impacted the approximately 28,000 U.S. troops in Korea and heightened risks for both countries. 

If no requirement exists for such notification, that may need to change, said Sheena Chestnut Greitens, an East Asia expert at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace.  

“The U.S. has reasonable grounds to say that having that information in advance is necessary for effective deterrence and defense on the Korean Peninsula,” she said. 

Chestnut Greitens also warned that Yoon’s unilateral actions could weaken South Korea’s position with the incoming Trump administration, whose first-term policies raised fears of abandonment in Seoul. 

Donald Trump frequently questioned the value of the U.S.-South Korea alliance, once asking why the U.S. needs “all those troops” in South Korea. His direct talks with North Korean leader Kim Jong Un further alarmed some South Korean officials, who feared being sidelined in any Trump-Kim deal. 

“The incoming Trump team… could now cite this lack of consultation as precedent if it chooses to justify either a unilateral deal with Pyongyang or a reduction in U.S. commitment,” said Chestnut Greitens. 

Trump silent 

Trump, whose America First policy often prioritized perceived interests over the promotion of human rights, has not commented on Yoon’s martial law declaration.  

His approach toward South Korea is unlikely to change, suggested Alex Gray, a senior fellow at the American Foreign Policy Council and former chief of staff at the National Security Council under Trump. 

“I think [President Trump] will prioritize his conception of core American security and economic interests as he did in term one,” said Gray. 

It is unclear how Trump will respond to Yoon’s conservative supporters, some of whom have appealed to him by waving “Stop the Steal” protest signs reminiscent of Trump’s post-2020 election fraud claims. 

If Trump were to back Yoon or endorse baseless South Korean election fraud allegations, it could “seriously damage the image of the U.S. among a majority of the Korean population,” said Ben Engel, who teaches at Dankook University outside Seoul. 

“The idea that the ROK [Republic of Korea]-U.S. alliance was undergirded by the shared values of democracy and human rights would be significantly undermined and possibly lead to the alliance becoming a partisan issue in South Korea, where the alliance has had broad support since the early 2000s,” said Engel. 

Still, Trump may see little reason to support Yoon, who faces possible removal from office and insurrection charges.  

“Why hitch yourself to a sinking ship?” Engel asked.  

South Korea’s reaction 

There has been little backlash to the U.S. response, even from liberal South Koreans who have at times been more critical of Washington. 

Moon Chung-in, a foreign policy adviser to several left-leaning Korean administrations, noted that Biden officials have quietly opposed Yoon’s martial law declaration. 

“If Washington maintains its current approach, it can demonstrate that for the U.S., democracy matters,” Moon told VOA, though he acknowledged the United States had a “bad track record” of backing authoritarian regimes before South Korea’s democratization. 

While Trump is unlikely to prioritize human rights in South Korea, Moon said he believes the incoming president would not overrule figures in his administration, such as Secretary of State nominee Marco Rubio, who take a more values-driven approach to international relations. 

Regardless, some experts argue that such U.S. messaging no longer resonates in South Korea. 

Lee Sang-sin, a research fellow at the Korea Institute for National Unification, suggested this may reflect declining perceptions of U.S. democracy.  

“It may be that people have moved past the old anxiety that South Korea’s democracy cannot survive without U.S. support,” he said. 

“The lingering shock of domestic turmoil,” Lee added, “has also left people too preoccupied to focus on U.S. messaging.” 

 
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WASHINGTON — In Myanmar, a relatively new ethnic armed group known as the Arakan Army has recently taken control of 15 out of 17 townships in the war-torn country’s western Rakhine state. This includes the Myanmar military’s western regional command headquarters located in Ann Township, in central Rakhine state. This marks the second major regional command center to fall since the beginning of a surge in resistance victories by allied ethnic armed groups – the “Three Brotherhood Alliance” – known  as Operation 1027 in late 2023.

The significant territorial gains by the AA are reshaping power dynamics in Myanmar’s civil war, observers say. The ethnic army’s growing control over Rakhine state is also drawing attention to the plight of the country’s Muslim ethnic Rohingya minority.

In a recent phone interview with VOA’s Burmese service, AA spokesperson Khaing Thu Kha said the group continued to hold its ground.

“As of December 29, 2024, our AA has completely occupied all the military bases of the fascist military council in Gwa Township. We are pursuing and attacking retreating forces,” Khaing Thu Kha said.

In response, Myanmar’s military has launched heavy artillery strikes from air and sea but was unsuccessful in its attempts to retake Gwa, the spokesperson added. The junta did not respond to VOA on the issue.

The Arakan Army’s gains continued this week, as it seized a key oil and gas pipeline station and closed in on a major weapons factory of the Myanmar military.

The fall of Gwa follows the army’s seizing of Ann township earlier in December, when it captured the military’s western regional command headquarters after intense fighting, marking another major loss for Myanmar’s military.

In July, the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army, another ethnic armed group, popularly known as the Kokang army — seized the military’s regional command headquarters in Lashio, in the northern part of Shan state.

“In the history of Myanmar’s military, losing two regional commands in such a short period is unprecedented,” former Myanmar army Major Naung Yoe told VOA. “These regional commands oversee vast operational areas and are critical to military control.”

Naung Yoe, who is now part of the anti-junta civil disobedience movement group People’s Goal, is based along the Thai-Myanmar border. He attributes the Arakan Army’s success to strategy and strong local support.

“The courage of the AA soldiers, their disciplined command structure, and the overwhelming support of the Rakhine people have played key roles in their victories,” he said.

The military has not responded in the media on recent fighting in Rakhine state.

Strategic battleground

Rakhine state, with its abundant natural resources and access to the Bay of Bengal, is strategically significant. It is home to major China-backed infrastructure projects and holds geopolitical importance as a gateway to Southeast Asia.

The state is predominantly inhabited by Rakhine Buddhists, with Rohingya Muslims making up the second-largest population. The Rohingya have faced systemic persecution, culminating in the 2017 military crackdown that forced over 700,000 to flee to Bangladesh. Myanmar’s military is now facing international legal proceedings on charges of genocide and other war crimes.

This latest round of fighting between the military and the Arakan Army, which began in late 2023 following Operation1027 has been fierce. Dozens of Rohingya civilians were killed during junta attacks, some with heavy artillery fired at AA troops based in Rohingya villages, according to local human rights organizations.

The Arakan Army, formed in 2009 by Rakhine youth leaders, is part of the Three Brotherhood Alliance that is fighting the junta alongside the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army and the Ta’Ang National Liberation Army.

With an estimated 45,000 troops, the AA says it seeks autonomy for Rakhine state, aiming to “restore the sovereignty of the Arakan people.”

However, U.N. High Commissioner for Human Rights Volker Türk has condemned abuses by both the military and the AA, citing forced recruitment, extrajudicial killings and indiscriminate attacks that violate international law. AA offensives have reportedly displaced tens of thousands of civilians, including many Rohingya.

On Aug. 5, dozens of Rohingya were killed near the Naf River, which divides Myanmar from Bangladesh, underscoring their plight as they remain trapped between escalating violence and closed borders with little safe refuge.

Rohingya calls for justice

In late December, 28 Rohingya organizations issued a joint statement calling on the AA, which now controls Maungdaw and Buthidaung townships in northern Rakhine, to “uphold and respect the rights of Rohingya and other ethnic and religious minorities” in the region bordering Bangladesh.

Cox’s Bazar in southeastern Bangladesh hosts over 1.2 million Rohingya refugees, most of whom fled Myanmar following the military crackdown in August 2017.

Meanwhile, approximately 500,000 Rohingya remain in Myanmar, living in areas now under AA control, including territories along the Bangladesh border.

“The AA has reached a position where it can control up to 14 cities,” Tun Khin, president of the Burmese Rohingya Organization U.K., or BROUK, told VOA Burmese by phone. BROUK is among the 28 organizations behind the joint statement.

“However, human rights violations against the Rohingya continue, especially in places like Buthidaung and Maungdaw,” Tun Khin said. “As a result, the Rohingya have not been able to return to their homes. It is critical to stop the daily abuses inflicted on the Rohingya by AA forces.”

After the AA captured Buthidaung and Maungdaw, nearly 60,000 Rohingya fled to Bangladesh, Tun Khin said.

“AA, much like the Burmese military, is driving the Rohingya from their homes, perpetuating a cycle of displacement,” he said.

The Rohingya and other Rakhine minorities must find a way to live peacefully together, he said.

“The Rohingya have supported the Burmese revolution and stood alongside revolutionary forces like the AA,” Tun Khin said, “yet, they have been forcibly driven from their homes during clashes between the AA and the Burmese army. This is unacceptable. The AA is committing similar crimes to those perpetrated by the Burmese military.”

A path toward dialogue?

For its part, the Arakan Army reiterated its commitment to dialogue late last month.

“We remain steadfast in our belief that current internal issues can and should be resolved through political means rather than military solutions,” the group said in a statement.

In his New Year’s speech, however, Myanmar’s military leader, Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, accused ethnic armed groups of pursuing selfish interests and inciting conflict while claiming to support democracy.

He also reiterated the junta’s commitment to holding elections, citing the completion of a national census and other administrative milestones, and pledged that elections would take place this year.

During the 50th anniversary of Rakhine State Day on Dec. 15, Min Aung Hlaing called on ethnic armed groups, including the Arakan Army, to “abandon the armed path and choose the right course.”

Myanmar’s military rulers have not directly responded to the AA’s offer for dialogue, according to Naung Yoe, the former Myanmar army major.

“The prospects for a resolution remain bleak. I still don’t see a dialogue emerging that could resolve the differences between the two sides,” he told VOA.

Junta leader Min Aung Hlaing recently reiterated his support for the 2008 constitution, framing it as essential for Myanmar’s future. That constitution allowed the formation of a partially civilian government but guaranteed the military’s continued role in politics. The military overthrew the elected government in a coup in 2021.

Ethnic leaders, however, reject any political framework that involves the military.

“With the junta clinging to the 2008 constitution and ethnic leaders envisioning a political future without military involvement, the chances of reconciliation are slim,” Naung Yoe said.

He also pointed to the Arakan Army’s intention to control all of Rakhine state as a potential stumbling block as well.

“If political reconciliation remains unattainable, the conflict will likely escalate further in early 2025,” he said. 
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GENEVA — Australia violated the rights of asylum-seekers arbitrarily detained on the island of Nauru, a U.N. watchdog ruled Thursday, in a warning to other countries intent on outsourcing asylum processing.

The U.N. Human Rights Committee published decisions in two cases involving 25 refugees and asylum-seekers who endured years of arbitrary detention in the island nation.

“A state party cannot escape its human rights responsibility when outsourcing asylum processing to another state,” committee member Mahjoub El Haiba said in a statement.

Under a hard-line policy introduced more than a decade ago, Australia has sent thousands of migrants attempting to reach the country by boat to detention centers on Papua New Guinea’s Manus Island and the tiny Pacific nation of Nauru, which lies further to the northwest.

Victims in both cases filed complaints to the U.N. committee of 18 independent experts, charging that Australia had violated their rights under an international covenant, in particular regarding arbitrary detention.

Australia rejected the allegations, insisting that abuses that occurred in Nauru did not fall within its jurisdiction.

But the U.N. committee highlighted that Australia had arranged for the establishment of Nauru’s regional processing center and contributed to its operation and management.

El Haiba said Australia did have jurisdiction because it “had significant control and influence over the regional processing facility in Nauru.”

‘Not human rights-free zones’

A number of European countries have been examining the possibility of similar arrangements to outsource their migration policies.

Thursday’s decisions “send a clear message to all states: Where there is power or effective control, there is responsibility,” El Haiba said. “The outsourcing of operations does not absolve states of accountability. Offshore detention facilities are not human rights-free zones.”

The first case examined by the committee involved 24 unaccompanied minors from Iraq, Iran, Afghanistan, Pakistan, Sri Lanka and Myanmar.

They were intercepted at sea by Australia and transferred in 2014 to Nauru’s overcrowded Regional Processing Center.

They were held there “with insufficient water supply and sanitation, high temperatures and humidity, as well as inadequate health care,” Thursday’s statement said. “Almost all of these minors have suffered from deterioration of physical and mental well-being, including self-harm, depression, kidney problems, insomnia, headaches, memory problems and weight loss.”

Compensation

Even though all but one of the minors were granted refugee status around September 2014, they remained detained in Nauru, the committee said.

It said Australia had failed to justify why the minors could not have been transferred to centers on the mainland more suitable for vulnerable individuals.

The committee separately evaluated the case of an Iranian asylum seeker who arrived by boat on Christmas Island with several family members in August 2013 and was transferred seven months later to Nauru.

The woman was recognized as a refugee by Nauru authorities in 2017 but was not released.

In November 2018, she was transferred to Australia in November 2018 for medical reasons but remained detained in various facilities there, the committee said.

It determined that Australia had failed to show that the woman’s prolonged and indefinite detention was justified.

The committee called on Australia to compensate the victims and take steps to ensure similar violations do not recur.

The committee has no power to compel states to follow its rulings, but its decisions carry reputational weight.
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Beijing — China said Thursday that an investigation had found the European Union imposed unfair “trade and investment barriers” on Beijing, marking the latest salvo in long-running commercial tensions between the two economic powers. 

Officials announced the probe in July after Brussels began looking into whether Chinese government subsidies were undermining European competition. 

Beijing has consistently denied its industrial policies are unfair and has threatened to take action against the EU to protect Chinese companies’ legal rights and interests. 

The commerce ministry said Thursday that the implementation of the EU’s Foreign Subsidies Regulation (FSR) discriminated against Chinese firms and “constitutes trade and investment barriers.” 

However, it did not mention whether Beijing planned to take action in response. 

The two are major trade partners but are locked in a wide-ranging standoff, notably over Beijing’s support for its renewables and electric-vehicle sectors. 

EU actions against Chinese firms have come as the 27-nation bloc seeks to expand renewable energy use to meet its target of net-zero greenhouse gas emissions by 2050. 

But Brussels also wants to pivot away from what it views as an overreliance on Chinese technology at a time when many Western governments increasingly consider Beijing a potential national security threat. 

When announcing the probe, the ministry said its national chamber of commerce for importing and exporting machinery and electronics had filed a complaint over the FSR measures. 

The 20-page document detailing the ministry’s conclusions said their “selective enforcement” resulted in “Chinese products being treated more unfavorably during the process of export to the EU than products from third countries.” 

It added that the FSR had “vague” criteria for investigating foreign subsidies, placed a “severe burden” on the targeted companies and had opaque procedures that created “huge uncertainty.” 

EU measures such as surprise inspections “clearly exceeded the necessary limits,” while investigators were “subjective and arbitrary” on issues like market distortion, according to the ministry. 

Companies deemed not to have complied with probes also faced “severe penalties,” which placed “huge pressure” on Chinese firms, it said. 

The European Commission on Thursday defended the FSR, saying it was “fully compliant with all applicable EU and World Trade Organization rules.” 

“All companies, regardless of their seat or nationality, are subject to the rules,” a commission spokesperson said in a statement. 

“This is also the case when applying State aid or antitrust rules.”   

Projects curtailed 

The Chinese commerce ministry said FSR investigations had forced Chinese companies to abandon or curtail projects, causing losses of more than $2.05 billion. 

The measures had “damaged the competitiveness of Chinese enterprises and products in the EU market,” it said, adding that they also hindered the development of European national economies and undermined trade cooperation between Beijing and Brussels. 

The EU’s first probe under the FSR in February targeted a subsidiary of Chinese rail giant CRRC, but closed after the company withdrew from a tender in Bulgaria to supply electric trains. 

A second probe targets Chinese-owned solar panel manufacturers seeking to build and operate a photovoltaic park in Romania, partly financed by European funds. 

In October, Brussels imposed extra tariffs on Chinese-made electric cars after an anti-subsidy investigation under a different set of rules concluded Beijing’s state support was unfairly undercutting European automakers. 

Beijing in response announced provisional tariffs on brandy imported from the EU, and later imposed “temporary anti-dumping measures” on the liquor. 

Last month, China said it would extend the brandy investigation, citing the case’s “complexity.” 

Separately, a report by the European Union Chamber of Commerce in China warned that firms were being forced to drastically localize their operations to suit China’s regulations, driving up costs and reducing efficiency. 

Heightened trade tensions and Beijing’s “self-reliance policies” were causing many multinationals “to separate certain China-based functions, or even entire operations, from those in the rest of the world,” it said. 

It added that governance rules increasingly dominated by national security concerns had heightened uncertainties for local entities in engaging with European clients. 

Some customers are therefore choosing to “err on the side of caution and not take a risk by buying from a foreign service provider,” Chamber head Jens Eskelund said at a media event on Thursday.           
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TAIPEI, TAIWAN — Kweichow Moutai, the distiller of China’s most prestigious liquor, has seen three of its ex-chairmen face investigations for graft over the past five years, with a new probe into a former head of the maker of “firewater” announced earlier this month.

Over the past week, the topic has been trending on China’s social media and comes even as the company continues to see growth in sales, despite a weakening Chinese economy and lagging consumption.

Industry observers say that while the latest scandal is unlikely to hurt liquor sales, it highlights how corruption continues to ferment at Moutai – the drink of China’s state banquets since the 1970s.

Latest probe

Late last week on Jan. 2, authorities in China’s southwestern Guizhou province announced a probe into company official Ding Xiongjun on its website. Ding stepped down in April from the state-owned liquor giant, and, according to the announcement, is under investigation for “suspected serious disciplinary and legal violations.”

It is likely that Ding may follow in the footsteps of his two predecessors, Yuan Renguo and Gao Weidong, industry observers say. Yuan and Gao were jailed for life on charges of bribery in 2021 and 2024, respectively. Yuan died of a brain hemorrhage in late 2023.

While the charges against Ding remain unclear, the image of Moutai has long been tainted as businessmen in China mostly recognize it as a form of “hard currency” used for socializing with those in power.

One of the company’s most-cited quotes was from ex-U.S. diplomat Henry Kissinger to late Chinese leader Deng Xiaoping at a 1974 state dinner, “if we drink enough Moutai, we can solve anything.”

Wang Shoufeng, the former head of a construction labor force service company in Anyang, a city in central China’s Henan province, said that China’s corrupt officials only drink the pricey liquor even if that means taking extra measures to stay under the radar of anti-graft investigators.

“When our [property developers] friends invited officials for a drink, they often poured Moutai into plastic bottles, faking it as water. The liquor in the one yuan-worth bottles was valued at tens of thousands of yuan. That’s how they drank,” Wang told VOA Mandarin in a phone interview. Wang fled China late last year to Germany.

Moutai as bribes

Wang said that some Chinese officials in Henan were so greedy that many of his peers in the property industry had to “buy their personal safety or get things done” by offering bribes, including gifts of aged Moutai.

One such example was Wang Xiaoguang, a former vice governor of Guizhou province, who was found pouring some of his 4,000 bottles of aged Moutai down the drain when he was worried about a probe against him in late 2018, according to Chinese media reports.

Many of China’s Communist elites, including Chinese President Xi Jinping himself, are also known to enjoy Moutai.

Xi has also made corruption a key focus of his rule in China, purging more than five million, mostly party officials, between 2014 and 2024. Earlier this week in an address, Xi said corruption remains the biggest threat to the Chinese Communist Party.

That said, officials and their love of the tipple has enabled the price to climb and peak at around 3,000 yuan, or $420, per 500ml bottle in February of last year, taking the flagship product “Flying Fairy Moutai” as an example, which has a 53% alcohol level.

Although its price has now dropped to around 2,200 yuan, or $300, the liquor’s fat margin compared to its factory price of 1,163 yuan, or $158, has created wiggle room for corruption, said Willy Lin, secretary-general of the Chinese White Spirits Research Association in Taipei.

“The [Moutai] liquor sells so well with a handsome profit that everyone wants a share of the pie. That makes it hard for those in the chairman’s seats to stay untangled with many interest groups,” Lin told VOA Mandarin in a phone interview.

“You [the chairmen] need their support to get to that position, but once you’re in, you need to help them make money. That’s when corruption sets in … it’s not an easy position to hold on to,” he added.

According to state media reports, both Yuan and Gao were found to have illegally awarded distribution rights to cronies or used the liquor to gain political clout before their arrest.

Sales still strong?

In 2018, China launched an anti-graft campaign against the liquor giant and has since arrested a dozen top executives, but the corruption at the brand’s top management remains hard to root out.

For now, the liquor giant’s sales performance appears to remain unaffected. In its latest financial report, released on Jan. 2 – the same day the probe into Ding was announced – Kweichow Moutai said it is expected to deliver 173.8 billion yuan, or $23.7 billion, in revenues for last year, seeing 15% year-on-year growth.

China’s weakened domestic consumption, however, is fueling concerns that the liquor giant’s future may not be bright.

One Shaanxi province-based vendor who sells a variety of spirits including Moutai on China’s short video platform Douyin told VOA Mandarin on Sunday that “now is not a good time” to buy or invest in bottles of Flying Fairy Moutai since its price may keep plunging to below 2,000 yuan.

A stock analyst in Beijing, who spoke with VOA Mandarin on the condition of anonymity, also expressed concern that Chinese consumers’ slashed spending on luxury goods may spell more bad news for the company’s share price as well, which too has been falling.

“Although Moutai’s sales performance remains relatively stable, the company’s falling stock price reflects concern over its future sales,” the analyst told VOA. The analyst did not want to use his full name citing the sensitivity of the topic.

On Wednesday, Kweichow Moutai closed at 1442.5 yuan per share, a 45% drop from its record high of 2,627.88 yuan per share in early 2021.
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BANGKOK — A former member of Cambodia’s opposition party was shot dead in Bangkok on Tuesday evening.

Lim Kimya, a former politician of the Cambodia National Rescue Party (CNRP), died at the scene near Wat Bowonniwet Vihara Ratchaworawihan, a Buddhist temple near the tourist area of Khao San Road in Phra Nakhon district, The Bangkok Post reports.

Police say a man parked his motorbike and then shot dead Lim Kimya at about 4 p.m. before fleeing. The authorities say surveillance cameras near the scene show the man riding a red Honda motorbike, and that they are searching for the suspect.

The focus is on catching the assassin, but questions remain about the motive of the killing, according to police.

Phil Robertson of Asia Human Rights and Labor Advocates (AHRLA) told VOA the killing on Tuesday is an escalation of transnational repression and appears to be a political assassination.

“This brazen shooting of a former CNRP MP on the streets of Bangkok has all the hallmarks of a political assassination and looks to be a significant escalation in the use of transnational repression in Bangkok,” he said.

Lim Kimya, 73, also held French citizenship and had reportedly traveled to Bangkok in recent days with his wife and uncle. He was elected as a member of Cambodia’s opposition party in 2013.

Cambodian activists and politicians who have opposed the country’s regime have long been targeted at home and abroad. Those who have fled to other countries, such as Thailand, have been attacked, arrested and deported to Cambodia. Critics have coined the term “transnational repression” to describe the phenomenon.

VOA reached out to Thailand’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs for comment but has not yet received a reply. 

Cambodia has been ruled by Cambodia’s People’s Party for 45 years. Critics say the regime has targeted dissidents, opposition parties and independent media who pose any threat to its rule.

Hun Manet took power in 2022, succeeding his father, Hun Sen, who led Cambodia for nearly four decades.

For a short time, the CNRP posed a legitimate challenge to Hun Sen’s rule after it was founded in 2012. But the opposition party was dissolved five years later after a Cambodian court ruled the party had attempted to overthrow the then-president.

Members of the party were banned from political activities, and its founders fled the country.  Kem Sokha, one of the party’s founders, was sentenced in 2023 to 27 years for treason.

Robertson said Lim Kimya’s killing will have ramifications for other Cambodians who have fled the country.

“The direct impact will be to severely intimidate the hundreds of Cambodian political opposition figures, NGO activists, and human rights defenders who have already fled to Thailand to escape PM Hun Manet’s campaign of political repression in Cambodia,” he added.

In August, Hay Vannith, the brother of Hay Vanna, a CNRP member, was arrested at the Cambodian border.

And in November, Thailand authorities deported Pen Chan Sangkream, Hong An, Mean Chanthon, Yin Chanthou, Soeung Khunthea and Vorn Chanratana back to their homeland for criticizing an economic trade pact Cambodia was part of.

Observers and rights groups say Thailand and Cambodia have unofficial agreements in place to return political dissidents should they flee to one another’s country.  

“This collaborative approach is not coincidental but strategically designed. Both countries share similar authoritarian impulses, with royal institutions and political elites working in concert to maintain their grip on power. By harmonizing their approach to dissent, Thailand and Cambodia create a more comprehensive mechanism of controlling political discourse,” Prem Singh Gill, a visiting fellow at Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta, told VOA in December.

Since 2014, more than 150 individuals in Thailand have been victims of transnational repression, according to a 2022 report from Freedom House. 

 
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Mutare, Zimbabwe — Government officials in Zimbabwe have been scrutinizing a Chinese mining company that has been operating a gold mine in the country’s east since at least 2021. The scrutiny comes as residents voice concern about the impact on health and the environment.

The company in question is Sino Africa Huijin Holdings, which faces accusations of severe environmental destruction and community harm. Its gold prospecting operations have been taking place in an area known as Premier Estate in the Mutasa District of Manicaland.

Villagers and community groups have complained about the blasting that has taken place at the mine. Nearby residents have reported widespread ecological damage, including the decimation of a mountain and the displacement of wildlife. They also say tremors from the blasts have caused structural damage to homes.

Residents further complain of dust pollution and the potential contamination of water sources due to alleged leaching of cyanide. Cyanide leaching is a method of extracting gold from ore that can pollute water resources. 

Adding to these concerns, Sino Africa is accused of forging community signatures on their Environmental Impact Assessment document, raising questions about the transparency and legitimacy of their operations.

The complaints prompted the government to shut down the mine’s operations twice in 2024. In the past two months, however, mining has resumed. 

“We are between a rock and a hard place. If it’s possible, let them compensate us and relocate us because it’s no longer appealing,” Ishewedenga Moyo, one of 30 residents living within some 300 meters of the Sino Africa Huijin mine, told VOA in December.

“The vibrations and noise generated by mining blasting are disrupting wildlife habitats and ecosystems, damaging biodiversity, and causing cracks in our homes,” Moyo added.

Government-ordered suspensions 

A Manicaland Joint Command Task Force, composed of a number of government entities, ordered the temporary closure of Sino Africa Huijin’s gold mining operations twice. Officials say the shutdowns were enforced to ensure the mine met all necessary requirements. 

The first suspension occurred in October and lasted two weeks. Sino Africa Huijin made pledges to improve the situation and was allowed to resume operations. Then, the task force ordered the mine to close a second time in mid-November.

Traditional Chief James Kurauone of the Mutasa district told VOA on Dec. 11 that officials forced Sino Africa Huijing’s operations to stop each time because the company “failed to address critical concerns raised by the local community.”

“These concerns that led to the temporary closure included severe air pollution, destructive blasting activities impacting local homes, and the company’s failure to fulfill its corporate social responsibility obligations,” said Mutasa in recent comments. Mutasa added that he plans to convene a meeting with mining officials and members from the community to discuss a path forward in a couple of weeks.  

Mining compliance  

Mining operations resumed on November 25 at the conclusion of discussions among government officials, community leaders and company representatives.

Daniel Panganai, the current HR manager of Sino Africa Huijin, was involved in the discussions. He told VOA in mid-December that the company “complied with all the requirements outlined in writing, but I cannot divulge much information at this time.”

Misheck Mugadza, the Manicaland minister of state, also said in December that Sino Africa Huijin committed to adhering to all mining and environmental regulations. He said the Chinese company had acted on its social responsibility obligations by donating to the local hospital and drilling a well to provide water to the local school.

The government is closely monitoring the company’s operations, Mugadza said, and some households have already received full compensation for damages. He further stated that the company is obligated to compensate all affected residents.  

Chinese investments in Zimbabwean mines

The controversy surrounding the Sino Africa Huijin mine is not isolated, according to a September report by the Center for Natural Resource Governance, or CNRG, a Harare-based community rights organization.

The report, which assessed the impact of Chinese investment on Zimbabwe’s mining industry, found that “Chinese mining ventures have led to widespread environmental degradation, disregard for the cultural rights of host communities, and, in many cases, the violation of the country’s labor laws, often with apparent impunity.”

Chinese investors control an estimated 90% of the of Zimbabwe’s mining industry, according to the report.  

“In 2023 alone, Sino investments in Zimbabwe’s mining sector saw 121 investors contributing a staggering $2.79 billion,” said CNRG Executive Director Farai Maguwu, who was quoted in a post on the organization’s website.

Separately, another area resident voiced criticism of the government’s response to the mining.

“There are times when the mine uses explosives of higher magnitude, and there will be tremors,” said area resident Thobekile Mhenziwamukuru. 

“When we call the government officials about the crisis, they always go directly alone to the Sino mine offices without any community leaders, then they will come and address us, just saying they will use explosives of low magnitude next time and we now know that it’s now their cash cow.

“Even in terms of closing and reopening of the mine, instead of solving our grievances, there is no fairness in everything because money is being exchanged to slow the progress and we hope higher offices in government will come to rescue us,” she concluded.

Maguwu accused local lawmakers of corruption, saying, “Instead of enforcing the law, they are cashing in on this illegality by forcing them to close down, demanding bribes for reopening, and then returning to close them down again and demand another bribe.”

Despite repeated phone calls and visits to the offices of government stakeholders to address these accusations, including the Ministry of Mines and the Environmental Management Agency, VOA received no response.

“This cycle goes on and on while the environment is being sacrificed,” Maguwu said.
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BEIJING — A strong earthquake killed at least 53 people in Tibet on Tuesday and left many others trapped as dozens of aftershocks shook the region of western China and across the border in Nepal.

The official Xinhua News Agency said 62 other people were injured, citing the regional disaster relief headquarters.

About 1,500 fire and rescue workers were deployed to search for people in the rubble, the Ministry of Emergency Management said.

The U.S. Geological Survey said the earthquake measured magnitude 7.1 and was relatively shallow at a depth of about 10 kilometers (6 miles). China recorded the magnitude as 6.8.

The epicenter was about 75 kilometers (50 miles) northeast of Mount Everest, which straddles the border. The area is seismically active and is where the India and Eurasia plates clash and cause uplifts in the Himalayan mountains strong enough to change the heights of some of the world’s tallest peaks.

The average altitude in the area around the epicenter is about 4,200 meters (13,800 feet), the China Earthquake Networks Center said in a social media post.

State broadcaster CCTV said there are a handful of communities within 5 kilometers (3 miles) of the epicenter, which was 380 kilometers (240 miles) from Lhasa, the capital of Tibet, and about 23 kilometers (14 miles) from the region’s second-largest city of Shigatse, known as Xigaze in Chinese.

About 230 kilometers (140 miles) away in Nepal’s capital, Kathmandu, the earthquake woke up residents and sent them running out of their homes into the streets. No information was immediately available from the remote, mountainous areas of Nepal closer to the epicenter.

There have been 10 earthquakes of at least magnitude 6 in the area where Tuesday’s quake hit over the past century, the USGS said.
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Beijing — Corruption is the biggest threat to China’s Communist Party, President Xi Jinping said on Monday, in a clear warning that the ruling party is resolved to tackle a long-running problem that is now entrenched in many strata of Chinese society.  

China was rocked last year by corruption probes into high-profile individuals ranging from a deputy central bank governor to a former chairman of its biggest oil and gas company, adding to unease in an economy struggling to secure a firm footing and a society grappling with a fading sense of wealth.  

The list also included a top Chinese admiral, Miao Hua, whose fall from grace comes at a time when Beijing is trying to modernize its armed forces and boost its battle readiness.  

Not only is corruption still pervading China, it is actually on the rise, Xi said at the start of a three-day congress of the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection, CCDI, the country’s top anti-graft watchdog.

“Corruption is the biggest threat to our party,” he warned.

To underline the scale of the problem, the CCDI said in recent days that a record 58 “tigers,” or senior officials, were probed last year.

Of those investigated, 47 were at the vice-ministerial level or above, including Tang Renjian, former minister of agriculture and rural affairs, and Gou Zhongwen, former head of the General Administration of Sport.  

Even former high-ranking officials were not spared, such as Wang Yilin, who stepped down as chairman of state-owned China National Petroleum Corp in 2020 on reaching retirement age.  

The crackdown will continue, said Andrew Wedeman, a professor at Georgia State University.

“I don’t see how Xi could afford to back off at this point,” Wedeman said. “A dozen years after he set out to cleanse the senior ranks, Xi is still finding widespread corruption at the top of the party-state and the PLA.”

China’s People’s Liberation Army (PLA) has also been swept by a wave of purges since 2023. Li Shangfu was removed as defense minister after seven months and his predecessor Wei Fenghe was expelled from the party for “serious violations of discipline,” a euphemism for corruption.

Challenges

Wedeman said it appeared that the pool that Xi is drawing on as replacements also included corrupt officials.  

“If Xi is promoting corrupt officials, this suggests the party’s internal vetting apparatus is not functioning effectively or, more seriously, is itself corrupted.”

China admits its anti-corruption efforts face new challenges, with traditional forms of corruption such as accepting cash becoming more insidious.

“A businessman might offer me money directly, and I’d refuse,” said Fan Yifei, a former deputy governor of the People’s Bank of China sentenced to death with a two-year reprieve.

“But if he gives it in the form of stocks or other assets, not directly to me but to my family, that’s a whole different matter,” state media quoted Fan as saying.

Even the lowly “flies” and “ants” in China’s vast bureaucracy will not be spared, a program aired on Sunday by the national television broadcaster showed.  

The first of four episodes of “Fighting Corruption for the People” that ran ahead of the CCDI meeting focused on grassroots corruption, including a case of how a primary school director profited from kickbacks from on-campus meals and another on how a rural official took bribes from farm project contractors.  

“Compared to the ‘tigers’ far away, the public feels more strongly about the corruption around them,” said Sun Laibin, a professor at Peking University’s School of Marxism.

The anti-corruption fight must reach the “hearts” of the masses, he said on the program, so that they can “deeply feel” the care of the party.
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Seoul — U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken on Monday opened a visit to crisis-riven South Korea where he will seek delicately to encourage continuity with the policies, but not tactics, of the impeached president.

Blinken arrived in the snow-covered capital on what will likely be his final trip as the top U.S. diplomat before President-elect Donald Trump’s inauguration.

He will meet his counterpart Cho Tae-yul on Monday, the same day a warrant expires to arrest suspended President Yoon Suk Yeol who unsuccessfully tried to impose martial law on December 3.

Blinken is highlighting President Joe Biden’s efforts to build alliances and will head afterwards to Tokyo, making it crucial in the eyes of his advisors not to snub South Korea, which has a fraught and often competitive relationship with Japan, also home to thousands of American troops.

Yoon had once been a darling of the Biden administration with his bold moves to turn the page on friction with Japan and his eye on a greater role for South Korea on global issues.

Yoon joined Biden for a landmark three-way summit with Japan’s prime minister and — months before declaring martial law — was picked to lead a global democracy summit, a signature initiative for the outgoing U.S. administration.

Yoon also memorably charmed his hosts on a state visit by belting out “American Pie” at a White House dinner.

Blinken may face some criticism from the South Korean left for the visit but should be able to navigate the political crisis, said Sydney Seiler, a former US intelligence officer focused on Korea now at the Center for Strategic and International Studies.

Blinken has a high enough profile to be above the fray, and can keep the focus on challenges such as China and North Korea, he said.

“Blinken can dodge a lot of these domestic South Korean landmines relatively easily and contextualize it not as trying to help the ruling party or artificially create a sense of normalcy where it otherwise isn’t,” Seiler said.

In a statement, the State Department did not directly mention the political crisis but said Blinken would seek to preserve trilateral cooperation with Japan, which has included enhanced intelligence sharing on North Korea.

Blinken’s visit comes at a time of change for both countries, with Trump returning to the White House on January 20.

Paradoxically, while Biden worked closely with the conservative Yoon, Trump in his first term enjoyed a warm relationship with then progressive president Moon Jae-in, who encouraged the U.S. president’s groundbreaking personal diplomacy with North Korea.

The Biden administration has stressed since the crisis that it is reaching out to South Korean politicians across the divide, amid the uncertainties on who will lead Asia’s fourth-largest economy.

Progressive opposition leader Lee Jae-myung — who himself faces election disqualification in a court case — supports diplomacy with North Korea.

But the former labor activist has also taken stances that differ from those of both Biden and Trump.

Lee has criticized deployment of U.S.-made THAAD missile defenses, which Washington says are meant to protect against North Korea but which China sees as a provocation. 

South Korea’s left has long championed a harder stance on Japan over its brutal 1910-1945 occupation of the Korean peninsula.

U.S. officials said they had no warning of Yoon’s imposition of martial law, which brought masses of protesters to the streets.

Blinken, addressing reporters last month, said the crisis showed the strength of South Korea’s institutions built in the three decades since it embraced democracy. 

“I think Korea is one of the most powerful stories in the world about the emergence of democracy and democratic resilience, and we’ll continue to look to Korea to set that example,” Blinken said.
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