ADDIS ABABA — As the price of fuel soared in Ethiopia earlier this year, Awgachew Seleshi decided to buy an electric car. That aligned with the government’s new efforts to phase out gas-powered vehicles. But months later, he’s questioning whether it was the right decision.  

He faces a range of issues, from the erratic supply of electricity in Addis Ababa, the capital, to the scarcity of spare parts.  

“Charging my car has been a challenge,” the civil servant said. “Spare parts that are imported from China are expensive, few mechanics are able to fix such cars and the resale value of such cars is poor.”  

Seleshi’s troubles point to wider challenges for Ethiopia. In January, the East African country became the first in the world to ban the importation of non-electric private vehicles. 

 The decision eased pressure on authorities who spend scarce foreign currency to subsidize the cost of fuel, but it also reflected growing enthusiasm for electric vehicles as the world demands more green technologies to reduce climate-changing emissions.  

Earlier this month, Ethiopia’s government raised the price of fuel by up to 8% as part of a plan to gradually end all fuel subsidies in Africa’s second-most populous country.  

Authorities have claimed some success in enforcing the ban on non-electric vehicles entering Ethiopia, and more than 100,000 electric cars are now being imported into the country each month.  

The official target is to increase the monthly import figure to 500,000 by 2030. By that time, a big new dam Ethiopia has built on the Nile River is expected to be producing power at full capacity.  

Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed, in a televised address earlier this year, said the Grand Renaissance Dam will start generating more than 5,000 megawatts of electric power within a year. Authorities say such capacity would support the transition to electric vehicles.  

For now, many in Addis Ababa, a city of more than 5 million people, are doubtful the country can achieve its ambitious goals for electric vehicles without further needed infrastructure and services.  

The few garage owners who can fix broken electric cars say they are overwhelmed, while customers say they are being overcharged amid an apparent lack of competition.  

“There are two or three garages that can fix new energy vehicles in Ethiopia and many consumers lack awareness on how to take care of such vehicles,” said Yonas Tadelle, a mechanic in Addis Ababa. “As mechanics, we also lack the tools, the spare parts and the know-how to fix such cars.”  

Many EVs are now parked in garages and parking lots awaiting parts expected to come from China.  

Ethiopia’s minister in charge of transport, Bareo Hassen Bareo, has said he believes the country can be a model nation with a green economy legacy, with the prioritization of electric vehicles a key component.  

The government will invest in public charging stations, he told The Associated Press, and there are plans to create a plant manufacturing EV batteries locally to reduce reliance on imports.   

Private efforts have included a collaboration, which has since fizzled, between Olympian Haile Gebreselassie and South Korean carmaker Hyundai to make electric vehicles in Ethiopia. That effort is believed to have collapsed over the sourcing of materials.  

Samson Berhane, an economist based in Addis Ababa, said the sudden flood of electric vehicles into the local market despite poor infrastructure is making it difficult for customers to adapt comfortably. Some EVs sell for about $20,000.  

“Very few people are willing to take the risk of buying electric cars due to the lack of infrastructure, shortage of mechanics specialized in EV maintenance and the flooding of the market with Chinese brands that have questionable details and long-term visibility,” Berhane said.  

But he said he believes that Ethiopia is more than able to provide electricity to the expected 500,000 EV’s there within the next decade while fulfilling its industrial ambitions.  

Some Ethiopians are already giving up on electric vehicles, and the secondhand trade in gasoline-powered vehicles continues. There are at least 1.2 million vehicles across Ethiopia, and only a small fraction are electric ones.  

Businessman Yared Alemayehu bought a Chinese-made electric vehicle that he had hoped to use for a taxi service. He knew the car had a mechanical defect, but he believed it could be fixed. A mechanic disagreed.  

In the end, he sold the car at a loss and bought a Toyota Corolla — a car made in 2007 that he felt was more reliable — for the equivalent of $20,000, a sum that included the hefty taxes imposed on gasoline vehicles. Taxes can be higher than the cost of importing the vehicle.  

“In addition to having to charge my old electric car, it frequently broke, and the garage was overcharging, and the lineup at the garage was overwhelming us,” he said.  

Taxi driver Dereje Hailu, who had high hopes for his Chinese-made E-Star electric vehicle when he purchased it earlier this year, said his expectations had been dashed.  

“With such a car, I fear I might be stuck if I go far from Addis Ababa where there are no charging stations,” he said. 
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Niamey, Niger — Niger’s military junta is disputing a decision by French nuclear fuel firm Orano to halt uranium production, according to a document from a state partner in the venture seen Friday by Agence France-Presse.

Orano announced last month that it was stopping production as of Thursday, owing to what it termed increasingly difficult operating conditions in the country and financial issues.

Nigerien state company Sopamin is a shareholder with Orano, which holds a majority stake in Somair, the last site that the French group was still operating in the country prior to Thursday.

The French lamented the withdrawal by the junta in June of a permit for one of the largest uranium deposits in the world, Imouraren, and the impossibility of exporting the raw material with Niger’s border with Benin closed for what Niamey says are security reasons.

“Despite its status as a co-shareholder, Sopamin was not consulted on this serious decision” to halt production, the company, which has operated for half a century in the country’s north, said in a document dated Thursday.

The Nigerien firm complained that the decision “lacks transparency” and “violates a number of principles and practices essential to governance and commitments between stakeholders.”

Orano said it had proposed an alternative to the Nigerien authorities, namely exporting the uranium to France or Namibia, and expressed regret that there was no reaction to the suggestion.

Niger states in the document seen Friday a wish to “purchase 210 tons of uranium through the natural channel of Sopamin,” which it said would “allow Somair to continue its activities.”

Currently, 1,050 tons of uranium concentrate from stocks from 2023 and 2024, or around half of the site’s average annual production worth an estimated 300 million euros ($360 million), are currently blocked, Orano estimates.

The ruling junta, which took power last year in a July coup, says it will revamp rules regulating the mining of raw materials by foreign companies in what is the world’s seventh-largest uranium producer.

It has also downgraded links with former colonial power France and strengthened ties with new partners including Russia and Iran.

In September, Niger’s Council of Ministers adopted a draft decree creating a state entity, “Timersoi National Uranium Company,” abbreviated to TNUC.
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As the dispute between Somalia and Ethiopia over sea access escalates, Ethiopia’s prime minister on Thursday said his country was seeking access to the Red Sea “through peaceful means.”

Speaking at the parliament where he was questioned by lawmakers, Abiy Ahmed said Ethiopia has a “clear stance” on the issue.

“Let the world hear today, Ethiopia maintains a clear national interest — it needs Red Sea access through peaceful means,” he said.

“If we do not succeed, our children will,” Abiy added.

Somalia and Ethiopia have been involved in a heated diplomatic dispute since Addis Ababa in January signed a memorandum of understanding (MOU) with the self-proclaimed independent republic of Somaliland, a move Somalia sees as infringing on its sovereignty.

Ethiopia and Somaliland defended the MOU which, if implemented, would give Somaliland recognition from landlocked Ethiopia in return for the leasing of about 20 kilometers of seafront, according to Somaliland officials.

Speaking at the United Nations General Assembly last month, Somali Prime Minister Hamza Abdi Barre said Somalia faced a “serious threat” from Ethiopia for signing a sea access deal with Somaliland.

Barre said Somali ports have always been accessible for Ethiopia’s legitimate commercial activities but alleged that Ethiopia has other motives.

“Ethiopia’s attempts to annex parts of Somalia under the guise of securing sea access are both unlawful and unnecessary,” Barre said.

Barre warned that Ethiopia’s approach and deal with Somaliland could “embolden secessionist movements.”

Abiy on Thursday denied any interest in annexation.

“When we signed the MOU with Somaliland, we requested a 99-year lease, but they didn’t agree, and we signed a 50-year lease agreement,” he said.

“How can a 50-year lease be an annexation?” Abiy asked.

Abiy told MPs that Ethiopia did not have any agenda in Somalia other than access to the sea.

“Ethiopia is a country which has the second-largest Somali population in the world next to Somalia. They are our brothers,” he said.

Ethiopia has several thousand troops in Somalia helping its government in its struggle against Islamist extremists.

Somalia on Tuesday expelled an Ethiopian diplomat, accusing him of engaging in “activities incompatible with his diplomatic role.”

Somalia did not specify the actions allegedly committed by Ali Mohamed Adan, a counselor at Ethiopia’s embassy in Mogadishu, but said in a statement that they “constitute a breach of the Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations.”

Abiy did not comment on the expulsion of the diplomat during the session at Parliament.

This story originated in VOA’s Horn of Africa service.
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First, it was the COVID-19 pandemic that halted education in the Tigray region, and then, a deadly war, claiming many lives and displacing hundreds of thousands.

Tenth-graders Yonas Nugus and Helen Berhe escaped with their families when their school in the town of Maychew was closed due to the war. Education was the last thing on their minds at the time, but they said they did not give up hope.

“The situation seemed hopeless and never-ending. It was tough to overcome, but we managed to get through it,” said Yonas, who like Helen recently completed a national exam and qualified to go on to university.

The Tigray conflict flared up in November 2020 following a dispute between Ethiopia’s federal government and the Tigray regional administration led by the Tigray People’s Liberation Front, or the TPLF party, which previously ruled the country.

The United Nations and other institutions estimate that 600,000 civilians died in Tigray and more than 2 million were displaced from November 2020 to August 2022.

In addition to the death and displacement, some women and girls were subjected to rape, as recorded by human rights agencies.

“During the war, a smart student with us committed suicide when they entered her area and raped her,” Helen said.

“When I heard stories like that, I wasn’t sure that something like that could happen to me tomorrow. It was not the time you could come in peacefully for school. So, even if I was going to die, I believed I would die fighting for my freedom.”

For Yonas and Helen, both 17 at the time, the war had halted their dreams, but it did not kill those dreams; it just delayed them.

In November 2022, the government and TPLF rebels concluded a cessation of hostilities agreement in Pretoria, South Africa.

As the recovery from war began, school restarted, and the survivors came out of hiding and returned to Kallamino school in Maychew. The students from Tigray whose education had been disrupted were provided with special teaching materials and teachers to make up for the lost time.

“When we returned, our school lay in ruins. Our belongings left behind due to the COVID-19 pandemic were strewn about,” Helen said.

“Before the war, it took us a year to complete a class in school. However, we had to finish a year’s education in just four months after the war. Then, we had to take the test. It was a very irregular learning process.”

For Helen, the past has been challenging, filled with fear and anxiety. She has forgotten much of what she was taught before the war and faces a new language barrier because the instruction is now in English. But she also said the war taught her a different kind of lesson.

“It taught me to find purpose in life,” she said, attributing her success to this experience.

“I convinced myself that the past three years had been wasted and I needed to work hard for the future. I learned from the difficult times that I must walk with purpose. So, with the help of our friends, we finished our two-year course quickly,” Helen said.

In the latest national exam results in Ethiopia, only 5.4% of high school students passed the university entrance exam, according to Minister of Education Birhanu Nega.

Of the 674,823 students who took part in the entrance exam in the last academic year (2022-2023), only 36,409 obtained the average required to be admitted to university. That figure was an improvement compared with the previous year, when only 3.3% passed the exam.

Yonas recorded the highest score of all those taking the test, scoring 675 out of 700 points. Helen scored highest among female students, getting 662 points out of 700.

Yonas and Helen will now pursue higher education at the University of Mekelle, the region’s capital, or in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia’s capital. Yonas has chosen to study computer science; Helen plans to study medicine, specializing in neurology.

Schools halted in Amhara region

As Tigray starts recovering from war, students in another part of Ethiopia face an uncertain future as schools were shut by a new conflict between government forces and Fano rebels.

In the town of Bahirdar, capital of Amhara region, parents did not send their children to school for a week after explosions shook the city earlier this month.

Two students and a teacher were injured in an explosion on October 4, said Mulualem Abe, the head of the city’s Education Department.

Days earlier, two teachers were killed in Sinan district of East Gojam zone in Ethiopia’s Amhara region after being shot by gunmen, authorities said.

In a statement posted on its Facebook page, the local administration said the teachers were preparing to start their teaching work for the current school year, which started in late September.

Without naming a particular group, the statement accused armed groups “who swear in the name of the Amhara people” of being behind the killing.

A spokesperson for the Fano rebel group denied involvement in the killing of the teachers but indicated they are against the reopening of schools.

This story originated in VOA’s Horn of Africa Service. Aster Misganaw contributed to the report from Addis Ababa.
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GABORONE, Botswana — Botswana’s President Mokgweetsi Masisi conceded defeat in the general election Friday, in a seismic moment of change for the county that ended the ruling party’s 58 years in power since independence from Britain in the 1960s.

Masisi’s concession came before final results were announced, with his Botswana Democratic Party trailing in fourth place in the parliamentary elections in what appeared to be a humbling rejection by voters.

The main opposition Umbrella for Democratic Change held a strong lead in the partial results, making its candidate, Duma Boko, the favorite to become president of a southern African country that is one of the world’s biggest producers of mined diamonds.

Masisi said he had called Boko to inform him he was conceding defeat and said that Boko was now effectively the president-elect.

Final results were expected to be announced later Friday.

“I concede the election,” Masisi said in an early-morning press conference two days after the vote. “I am proud of our democratic processes. Although I wanted a second term, I will respectfully step aside and participate in a smooth transition process.”

“I look forward to attending the coming inauguration and cheering on my successor. He will enjoy my support.”

Masisi’s BDP dominated politics in Botswana for nearly six decades, since independence in 1966. The nation of just 2.5 million people will now be governed by another party for the first time in its democratic history.

So far, the Umbrella for Democratic Change has won 25 out of the 61 parliamentary seats decided by voters, according to the official partial count. It needs 31 to clinch a majority. The Botswana Congress Party has seven seats, the Botswana Patriotic Front five seats, and the ruling BDP just three.

“We lost this election massively,” Masisi said.

Botswana has been held up as one of Africa’s most stable democracies, with its economy largely relying on diamonds. Botswana is the world’s second biggest natural diamond producer behind Russia.

But the mood for change was evident as a downturn in the global demand for diamonds badly impacted Botswana’s economy, with unemployment rising to more than 27% this year, and significantly higher for young people, as the government saw a sharp decrease in revenue from diamonds. Masisi and his party had faced criticism for not having done enough to diversify the economy and the nation has been forced to adopt recent austerity measures.

Even the BDP conceded throughout its campaign that policy change was needed and tried to convince voters it was capable of leading the country out of its economic troubles. Diamonds account for more than 80% of Botswana’s exports and a quarter of its GDP, according to the World Bank.

Masisi said the country had hardly sold any diamonds since April through its Debswana company, which the government jointly owns with diamond miner De Beers.

Botswana’s general elections decide the makeup of its Parliament, and lawmakers then choose the president. The party that gains a majority is in position to choose its candidate as president. All five of Botswana’s post-independence presidents have been from the BDP.

Doko is a 54-year-old lawyer who also contested elections in 2014 and 2019. He posted on his official page on X: “Botswana First” with a picture of a UDC campaign poster with the words “Change is Here.”

The BDP was one of the longest-serving parties in Africa still in power and its sharp defeat came as a surprise after what was expected to be a tight race.

Masisi, a 63-year-old former high school teacher and UNICEF employee, said he had not expected the results and had “not packed a shoe.” 
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ADAMA, ETHIOPIA — Residents in Ethiopia’s Oromia region say access to phone communication and internet service has been disrupted for months as government forces fight against two rebel groups.

The disruption of mobile phone calls and internet data has been concentrated in conflict-hit Oromia zones, where government forces have engaged in fighting against the Oromo Liberation Army, or the OLA.

A resident from South Oromia of Guji Zone Wadera Wereda, who spoke to VOA on condition of anonymity for safety reasons, said phone and internet data connections have been cut in his area due to the fighting.

He said there was fighting on Monday and the week before in Wadera Wereda, where regional security personnel including local police were killed. Other residents confirmed the same clashes without giving specific casualty figures. Local authorities could not be reached for comment.

The data outage and network disruptions were also reported in the North Shewa Zone administration of Oromia region.

“The zone has been under network blockade for the last two months due to the insurgency,” said a second resident from Dera Wereda in North Shewa, who also sought anonymity due to safety reasons.

Residents also said people who lost their SIM cards or want replacements could not do so at local telecom offices because the conflict has affected supplies. Network disruptions also impacted schools in the area that access materials online.

He says his school had to transfer all its grade-12 students this year to neighboring Wereda due to a lack of service.

“We cannot manage to send their details and credentials to relevant bodies,” with the downed service, he told VOA in a phone interview.

Journalists have waited for hours to speak to residents in Kelem Welega Zone, whose network is down during morning hours. One resident traveled to Dembi Dolo, about 620 kilometers west of the capital, Addis Ababa, to speak with the media about the network outages.

The disruptions have been present since the yearslong fighting between federal forces and the OLA began in 2019. In one of the latest deadliest attacks, suspected OLA fighters killed as many as 17 pro-government militiamen in the West Showa zone of Oromia on October 17, according to residents and local officials.

A second rebel group, Fano, is also fighting in the neighboring Amhara region, which spills over on either side.

Residents say as the intensity of the clashes increases, the network situation becomes worse, as the government resorts to shutting down communication.

“It’s a very unfortunate tactic that is usually used by governments that are struggling with legitimacy issues,” said Horn of Africa security analyst Samira Gaid.

“It only serves to convince the masses that the government has something to hide. Rather than controlling the narrative or news reporting, it elevates mistrust in government, adds to misinformation and disinformation, and contributes to groups becoming more covert with their communications,” she told VOA.

Ethiopia’s state-run communication outlets have not responded to repeated VOA requests for comment.

Speaking at a press conference in Addis Ababa last month, Frehiwot Tamiru, CEO of Ethio Telecom, admitted that such problems exist in conflict areas. She declined to give specific answers, referring reporters to other government entities.

In June, the company said it has repaired and restored service to dozens of mobile stations that had previously been damaged in the western region of the country.

This story originated in VOA’s Horn of Africa Service.
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RWAMWANJA, Uganda — For months, Agnes Bulaba, a Congolese refugee in Uganda, has had to get by without the food rations she once depended on. Her children scavenge among local communities for whatever they can find to eat.

“As a woman who’s not married, life is hard,” Bulaba told The Associated Press. Some locals “keep throwing stones at us, but we just want to feed our kids and buy them some clothes,” said the mother of six, who often works as a prostitute to fend for her family.

Uganda is home to more than 1.7 million refugees, the largest refugee-hosting country in Africa, according to the United Nations refugee agency. Despite being renowned for welcoming those fleeing neighboring violence, Ugandan officials and humanitarians say dwindling international support coupled with high numbers of refugees have put much pressure on host communities.

Approximately 10,000 new arrivals enter Uganda each month, according to U.N. figures. Some have recently fled the war in Sudan, but most are from neighboring South Sudan and Congo.

Bulaba is among tens of thousands in Rwamwanja, a refugee settlement in southwestern Uganda. As in other settlements across the east African country, refugees there are given small plots of land to cultivate as they are slowly weaned off total dependence on humanitarian food rations.

Since 2021, as funding consistently declined, the U.N.’s World Food Program has prioritized the most vulnerable groups for food assistance, in food items or cash, which can be as little as $3. After spending three months in Uganda, refugees are eligible to get 60% rations, and the number falls by half after six months. Only new arrivals get 100% food assistance, leaving the vast majority of some 99,000 refugees in Bulaba’s settlement vulnerable to hunger and other impoverishment.

In 2017, the Ugandan government and the U.N. held a summit in Kampala, the capital, and appealed for $8 billion to deal with the sharp influx of refugees from South Sudan at the time. Only $350 million was pledged.

Filippo Grandi, the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, visited Uganda last week in a trip partly aimed to underscore the funding shortage.

The international community “should not take Uganda’s generosity and the global public good it provides for granted,” Grandi said in a statement at the end of his visit. “Services here are overstretched. Natural resources are limited, and financial support is not keeping pace with the needs.”

He also said international support “is urgently needed to sustain Uganda’s commitment to refugees,” urging donors and humanitarian partners to “come together with the government to address the needs of refugees and the generous communities hosting them.”

Refugees in Uganda have access to the same hospitals as locals, and their children can attend school. While this helps integrate them into the Ugandan community, sometimes the competition for limited resources sparks tension. However, violence is rarely reported.

Hillary Onek, the Ugandan government minister in charge of refugees, said during Grandi’s visit that local officials need support to help refugees become more self-reliant. Though he said the country was “overloaded” with refugees, he cited several training options to help refugees become self-sufficient, including carpentry, bricklaying and metal welding.

“We are trying to be innovative,” he said. “Given the fact that funding for refugee programs dwindled over the years, there is not enough money to meet their demands, not even giving them enough food to eat.”

Onek said the alternative is “to survive on your own, using your skills, using whatever capacity you have.”

But Bulaba, the Congolese refugee who has been in Uganda since 2014 after fleeing violence in her home country with her two children, said she can’t find a job. She has since had four other children who often go barefoot and without appropriate clothing. She misses the cash-for-food stipend she used to get.

“For us to eat, we look for work, but there’s no work,” she said.
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WASHINGTON — Political leaders in Somalia agreed Wednesday on a framework for the country’s first national one-person, one-vote elections, a government statement said.

The decision followed marathon monthlong talks led by Somali President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud that saw the withdrawal of Jubaland President Ahmed Mohamed Islam, also known as Madobe, from the National Consultative Council meeting in Mogadishu.

Somalia’s government and federal member states said Wednesday that direct universal suffrage would be introduced with local elections set for June 2025.

The agreement signed by Prime Minister Hamza Abdi Barre, the leaders of three regional states and Mogadishu’s governor laid out a path to nationwide one-person, one-vote elections.

“The leaders agreed to introduce national elections, where citizens will vote for their leaders, starting with the local, regional and municipal elections set for June 2025,” read a communique released at the end of the meeting in Mogadishu.

“The election of parliamentary and presidential leaders of the Federal Member states will be held on September 2025,” the statement said.

The members of NCC also have ordered the completion of Somalia’s National Independent Electoral Commission to facilitate the electoral process.

Opposition stand

In March, Somalia’s parliament unanimously approved a bill overhauling the country’s electoral system to reintroduce universal suffrage, a plan that has been criticized by some leading politicians.

The leaders of two federal member states, the Puntland President Said Abdullahi Deni and Jubaland President Islam, opposed Wednesday’s decision.

Unlike Islam, who stepped out of the NCC meetings two weeks ago, Deni repeatedly said that Puntland no longer would recognize federal institutions, accusing President Mohamud of violating the constitution and losing his legitimacy.

Additionally, prominent Somali opposition leaders, including former President Sharif Sheikh Ahmed, former Prime Minister Hassan Ali Khaire, and MP Abdirahman Abdishakur Warsame, have vehemently condemned Wednesday’s decision, calling it illegal.

“The decision illegally extends the terms of the regional presidents, threatens the national stability, the efforts of building good governance,” according to a statement from the opposition. “We will never accept it.”

The country has not had nationwide one-person, one-vote elections since 1969, when dictator Siad Barre seized power.

Mohamud was elected by lawmakers in May 2022 and previously said the next national elections would be by universal suffrage.

Currently, voting follows a complex, indirect model where state legislatures and clan delegates pick lawmakers for the national parliament, who in turn choose the president.

UN Security Council

Wednesday’s agreement comes on the heels of another significant development for Somalia.

The United Nations Security Council adopted a resolution on Wednesday facilitating the transition of the U.N. Assistance Mission in Somalia, or UNSOM, to the U.N. Country Team, or UNCT.

This shift, prompted by a formal request from the Somali government, presented by the United Kingdom, received unanimous support from all 15 member states of the council. It establishes that during this transition phase, the U.N.’s support activities in Somalia will be rebranded as the U.N. Transitional Mission in Somalia, or UNTMIS.

According to the resolution, the transfer of responsibilities from UNSOM to UNTMIS, alongside national authorities, will commence on November 1, and is anticipated to conclude by October 31, 2026.

U.K. Ambassador to the U.N. Barbara Woodward characterized the passage of the resolution as the “beginning of a crucial period for Somalia.”

“UNSOM has played an important role since its inception in 2013, supporting peace building and state building in Somalia through implementing its good offices, policy guidance, coordination, technical assistance and capacity building functions,” she said.
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harare, zimbabwe — Zimbabwe is aiming to be home to Africa’s largest steel plant, but disputes over the project continue even as it ramps up production.

Over the past few months, villagers have been accusing the Chinese steel plant’s subsidiary Dinson Iron and Steel Company, or DISCO, of taking over their land without compensation, damaging the environment and not helping them relocate.

There are also concerns that the project, along with the impact of the climate crisis, is impacting food security for villagers who live in areas near the plant.

Chokutaura Chananda, 81, head of Mushenjere, a village in central Zimbabwe, told VOA that villagers are asking all stakeholders for help. They are also urging the Chinese steel company to honor its promises of compensation and relocation.

“We are appealing to all parties involved to intervene, to come together and support our cause,” Chananda said. “As the rightful owners of the land, we deserve to be treated fairly by DISCO. We seek development, not destruction.”

DISCO, which is a subsidiary of Tsingshan Holding Group of China, touted as one of the world’s largest producers of stainless steel, denies any wrongdoing.

In June, some local villagers staged a protest and attempted to block DISCO’s trucks from entering the plant. The villagers accused the company of forcing residents off their farmland with no compensation, resulting in food shortages and severe dust pollution.

Chananda told VOA that while the company welcomes investments and business development, residents felt the company’s behavior had been disrespectful and insensitive.

The giant steel and mining company is erecting a wall around farmland and pastures in the area, further isolating families in Mushenjere Village from the traditional sources of livelihood. Before 2021, when the steel mine came to Manhize, residents in the area relied primarily on subsistence farming for their livelihood.

Villagers said the plant has displaced more than 100 families, leaving them impoverished and food insecure according to villagers.

A September report released by Centre for Natural Resource Governance concluded that Chinese mining operations in Zimbabwe are not necessarily mutually beneficial.

“Evidence on the ground shows a widening rift between Chinese nationals and their Zimbabwean employees and host communities. Increasingly, ordinary Zimbabweans are accusing China of exhibiting colonial traits,” the report said.

The villages near the DISCO “plant have been conspicuously excluded from engagement platforms” by the Chinese company, the report found. The report adds that “this lack of meaningful engagement and consultation has led to feelings of disenfranchisement and marginalization among the affected communities.”

Promises of economic benefits

The $1.5 billion plant started production in July and is expected to create 10,000 new jobs when it reaches the final phase of production. It is currently operating at 60% of its capacity and aims to be at 75% sometime early next year.

Anticipated to be an economic boon to Zimbabwe, the country hopes to reap financial benefits from the project when steel can be exported from the plant in the future.

The steel industry could contribute approximately $5 billion to the national economy, said Winston Chitando, Zimbabwe’s Minister of Mines and Mining Development, after touring the plant in June.

Wilfred Motsi, project director for the Dinson Group, said the development marks a huge milestone in Zimbabwe’s manufacturing industry.

“We are going back to our glory days when Zimbabwe was known as one of the industrial hubs in southern Africa because of the opening of the steel industry,” said Dinson Group project director, Wilfred Motsi, told Chinese state news agency, Xinhua in June.

Food insecurity and the environment

Despite promises of infrastructure development, including roads and housing, residents said there has been a lack of progress. There is fear that the displacement is exacerbating an already fragile existence among the villagers. In August, the UN described levels of food insecurity in Zimbabwe as “rapidly deteriorating after it was hit with historic droughts.”

Chenjerai Mushore, chairman of three affected villages, echoed these concerns, highlighting the ongoing environmental challenges and a slow compensation process.

Mushore claimed that the mine’s road resurfacing project has led to dust pollution. He emphasized the urgent need to complete the road project to mitigate these risks.

Response to concerns

DISCO’s spokesperson, Joseph Shoko has denied any wrongdoing and told VOA the company is committed to environmental compliance and is investing in state-of-the-art sewage ponds and chimneys.

Since the villagers’ farmlands are now within the perimeter of the steel plant, Shoko said DISCO has also been supporting 22 seniors who are considered the head of households with US $200 a month for food since February until they are relocated to a new place to live.

Shoko told VOA there are also plans to support six additional heads of households. Shoko added that younger residents are offered job opportunities instead of monetary assistance. Additionally, the company is prioritizing these residents for employment opportunities as they await relocation, he said.

According to Mushore and Shoko the mine is building new homes in a designated relocation area to accommodate the displaced community.

Shoko further explained that compensation evaluations involving government ministries are currently underway.

“The final compensation amount will be determined by these ministries following a thorough assessment,” Shoko concluded.

Chitando, Zimbabwe’s minister of mines, has not responded to VOA’s request for comment.

Zimbabwe-Sino relationship

Zimbabwe and China have maintained a strong alliance over the years. The relationship deepened significantly when Western nations imposed economic sanctions on Zimbabwe during Robert Mugabe’s presidency. As international funding and investment declined, China emerged as a major supporter.

Under President Emmerson Mnangagwa, Zimbabwe and China elevated their partnership to a strategic level in 2018. This move facilitated increased Chinese investment, particularly in the extractive industries. However, the DISCO steel plant has been criticized by environmental and human rights activists for its potential negative impact on the environment.

Zimbabwe’s environmental standards agency, the Environmental Management Authority, or EMA, is working with the Steel Mine in addressing the issues which were raised by activists and villagers said the agency’s Environmental Education and Publicity manager, Amkela Sidange. She said EMA is closely overseeing the implementation of abatement measures outlined in a previous environmental audit.

In response to VOA’s request for comment, the EMA said that there are currently no environmental violations at the Dinson-Manhize plant; however, “monitoring the progression on implementation of abatement measures proposed on environmental compliance during a previous Environmental Audit by the Agency at the same plant” was conducted a few months ago.

The EMA said the steel company has been addressing issues identified in the audit, including upgrades to the access road from Dinson to Mavise into a tarred road to further reduce dust.

The company is applying for necessary environmental licenses, including for effluent disposal and air emissions, the EMA said, adding that it will continue to monitor the plant “to ensure they are completed within set time frames and ensure the project development is done in a manner that does not harm the environment or health of the public.”
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Gaborone, Botswana — Southern Africa’s diamond-rich nation of Botswana voted in general elections Wednesday with the ruling party seeking to extend its nearly six-decade rule and hand a second term to President Mokgweetsi Masisi.

Polls opened at 6:30 a.m. for more than a million people registered to vote, with four presidential candidates in the race to head the region’s oldest democracy, installed on independence from Britain in 1966 when the Botswana Democratic Party (BDP) took office. 

“It is my time to voice my opinion. I can’t wait,” said Lone Kobe, 38, who had been queueing since 3:15 a.m. at a school in Gaborone hosting a polling station.

“I would like to experience a new Botswana. We are seeing a percentage of the population enjoying the benefits. We are just the spectators, like we are watching a movie,” said the self-employed woman, a light blanket around her shoulders.

“We want to see true democracy, transparency and a free and fair election,” said Muthisi Kemo, a 56-year-old unemployed man who arrived three hours before the polling station opened.

There were irregularities in the functioning of the Independent Electoral Authority (IEC) in favor of the ruling party, he said, echoing opposition claims in the lead-up to the polls. “It’s an open secret.”

Opposition groups have been critical of the IEC including for failing to share a digital version of the voters roll and a shortage of ballot papers in early voting for public officers.

An unemployment rate that has reached 27% amid a weakening economy has been one of the key concerns of voters ahead of the elections, alongside claims of government corruption and mismanagement.

But the ruling party points to the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on the economy, with weakened demand for diamonds also chipping away at revenues.

An energetic Masisi, 63, held a final campaign rally with about 400 cheering supporters in the capital late Tuesday, saying that he wanted to use his second term “to polish” what he started in his first five years.

Queen Mosiane, 34, said at the rally she was loyal to the party because its government had supported her when she became an orphan, including with education and healthcare covered by the state.

“We live peacefully in this country because of BDP,” she said. “It’s not time to change because we don’t know what are we inviting.”

“The opportunities that we find, and our kids are going to find in the future, are because of the BDP,” said civil servant Refile Kutlwano, 34, at the same rally. “The opposition is not ready to rule.”

Fractured opposition

Masisi was elected in 2019 with around 52% of the vote. While the party is not expected to fare much better this time, the opposition is fractured.

The main opposition alliance is the left-leaning Umbrella for Democratic Change (UDC), led by youthful human rights lawyer, Duma Boko, 54.

It lost two key members in the run-up to voting day with the Botswana Patriotic Front (BPF) and Botswana Congress Party (BCP) quitting and each fielding their own presidential candidates.

It was a blow to voters like Ookeditse Letshwenyo, 23, who saw the UDC offering opportunities to young people struggling to find work.

“Since our independence we’ve been ruled by the same people, with the same mindset, with the same goals,” said Letshwenyo, who has launched an IT start-up. “You can’t win against the BDP while you are divided,” he said.

While the surprise return six weeks ago from three years of self-exile of the previous president Ian Khama to campaign against Masisi added some energy to the opposition, analysts said his influence was limited to a few districts.

With 61 seats up for grabs in parliament, Botswana’s first-past-the-post system means that the first party to take 31 seats will be declared the winner and install its candidate as president.

Counting will start in the hours after polling stations close at 7 p.m. Wednesday with results due late Thursday.
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NEW YORK — A Kenyan man who plotted a 9/11-style attack on a U.S. building was training as a commercial pilot in the Philippines when his plans were interrupted, a federal prosecutor told a New York jury Tuesday.

Assistant U.S. Attorney Jon Bodansky told a federal jury in Manhattan that Cholo Abdi Abdullah plotted an attack for four years that he hoped to carry out on behalf of the terrorist organization al-Shabab.

He said Abdullah was almost finished with his two-year pilot training when he was arrested in July 2019 in the Philippines on local charges. He was transferred in December 2020 to U.S. law enforcement authorities, who charged him with terrorism-related crimes.

Abdullah underwent training in explosives and how to operate in secret and avoid detection before moving to the Philippines in 2017 to begin intensive training for a commercial pilot’s license, the prosecutor said.

Abdullah posed as an aspiring commercial pilot even though his true intention was to locate a building in the United States where he could carry out a suicide attack from the cockpit by slamming his plane into a building, Bodansky told the jury.

He said Abdullah was “planning for four years a 9/11-style attack” only to have it thwarted with his arrest.

The defendant, operating from a Nairobi hotel, used the internet to research how to breach a cockpit door and looked up a 2019 terrorist attack that killed some 21 people, Bodansky said. Among those killed in that attack was an American businessman who survived the World Trade Center on Sept. 11, 2001.

Prosecutors have said Abdullah also researched information “about the tallest building in a major U.S. city” before he was caught.

Abdullah, who is representing himself and once pleaded not guilty, declined to give an opening statement and did not actively participate in questioning witnesses Tuesday.

In court papers filed before the trial, prosecutors told the judge that they understood “through standby counsel that the defendant maintains his position that he ‘wants to merely sit passively during the trial, not oppose the prosecution and whatever the outcome, he would accept the outcome because he does not believe that this is a legitimate system.'”

The State Department in 2008 designated al-Shabab, which means “the youth” in Arabic, as a foreign terrorist organization. The militant group is an al-Qaida affiliate that has fought to establish an Islamic state in Somalia based on Shariah law.

If convicted, Abdullah faces a mandatory minimum of 20 years in prison. His trial is expected to last three weeks.
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NAIROBI, KENYA — Some companies are coming up with creative ways of making electric vehicles a more realistic option in power-challenged areas of Africa.

Countries in Africa have been slow adopters of battery-powered vehicles because finding reliable sources of electricity is a challenge in many places.

The Center for Strategic and International Studies described Africa as “the most energy-deficient continent in the world” and said that any progress made in electricity access in the last five years has been reversed by the pandemic and population growth.

Onesmus Otieno, for one, regrets trading in his diesel-powered motor bike for an electric one. He earns his living making deliveries and ferrying passengers around Nairobi, Kenya’s capital, with his bike.

The two-wheeled taxis popularly known as “boda boda” in Swahili are commonly used in Kenya and throughout Africa. Kenyan authorities recently introduced the electric bikes to phase out diesel ones. Otieno is among the few riders who adopted them, but he said finding a place to charge his bike has been a headache.

Sometimes the battery dies while he is carrying a customer, he said, while a charging station is far away. So, he has to end that trip and cancel other requests.

To address the problem, Chinese company Beijing Sebo created a mobile application that allows users of EVs to request a charge through the app. Then, charging equipment is brought to the user’s location.

Lin Lin, general manager for overseas business of Beijing Sebo, said because the company produces the equipment, it can control costs.

“We can deploy the product … in any country they need, and they don’t need to build or fix charging stations,” Lin said. “We can move to the location of the user, and we can bring electricity to electric vehicles.”

Lin said the mobile charging vans use electricity generated from solid waste and can charge up to five cars at one time for about $7 per vehicle — less for a motorbike.

Countries in Africa have been slow to adopt electric vehicles because there is a lack of infrastructure to support the technology, analysts say. The cost of EVs is another barrier, said clean energy expert Ajay Mathur.

”Yes, the capital cost is more,” Mathur said. “The first cost is more, but you recover it in about six years or so. We are at the beginning of the revolution.”

Electric motor bike maker Spiro offers a battery-swapping service in several countries to address the lack of EV infrastructure.

But studies show that for many African countries, access to reliable and affordable electricity remains a challenge. There are frequent power cuts, outages and voltage fluctuations in several regions.

Companies such as Beijing Sebo and Spiro are finding ways around the lack of power in Africa.

”We want to solve the problem of charging anxiety anywhere you are,” Lin said. 

This story originated in VOA’s Mandarin Service.
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